Weinig hedendaagse bezoekers zullen het zich realiseren. Het Rodos of Kos dat zij tijdens hunzonvakantie bezoeken mag voor hen dan door en door ‘Grieks’ ogen, maar de eilanden behoren pas sinds... Show moreWeinig hedendaagse bezoekers zullen het zich realiseren. Het Rodos of Kos dat zij tijdens hunzonvakantie bezoeken mag voor hen dan door en door ‘Grieks’ ogen, maar de eilanden behoren pas sinds 1947 daadwerkelijk tot Griekenland. Daarvoor waren ze meer dan drie decennia koloniaal bezit van Italië. Bij het grote publiek zijn die jaren van de zogenaamde Isole Italiane dell’ Egeo (1912-1943) nog maar weinig bekend. Toch heeft de Italiaanse overheersing een zeer bepalende invloed gehad op de aanblik van de moderne Dodekánisos. Alle reden om anno 2022 – 75 jaar na de formele aansluiting bij Griekenland – in een tweeluik op zoek te gaan naar het verhaal achter dit koloniale verleden en haar architectonische erfenis. Deel I: Rodos, de metamorfose van een eiland. Show less
The policing of illicit sex formed a key mode of social control in early modern Europe, where reproduction in legally sanctioned marriage was the primary means through which property and status was... Show moreThe policing of illicit sex formed a key mode of social control in early modern Europe, where reproduction in legally sanctioned marriage was the primary means through which property and status was passed. When Europeans formed overseas colonial settlements sustained by slave labor and populated by people of a broad variety of ethnic and religious backgrounds, this concern with sexually transgressive behavior took on new dimensions. This article takes the case of Dutch trade-company-led colonialism in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to examine how colonial visions of social order in Asia, Africa, and the Caribbean shaped authorities’ responses to different types of non-marital sex. To facilitate comparison, these acts are read through narratives of criminalization, comprised of both conceptualizations of crime and prosecution practices. Through an analysis of legislation issued across the Dutch empire, most notably bylaws, combined with a selection of case studies from the juridical practice, we show that a concern with keeping different ethnic, religious, and status groups separate and maintaining European dominance shaped the policing of sexuality in such a way that the distinction between relatively benign sexual “improprieties” and a more serious criminal narrative of sexual “betrayal” was re-arranged along gendered and racialized lines. Conceptualizations and prosecutions alike show a considerably more stringent treatment of sex between non-Christian or non-white men and women of European status than between European men and enslaved or free local women, even when the latter scenario was coercive or violent. Show less
The great silver mining centers of Potosí, Porco, and Oruro in the Bolivian highlands have long formed an important focus for understanding the Spanish colonial world, both for the colonial... Show moreThe great silver mining centers of Potosí, Porco, and Oruro in the Bolivian highlands have long formed an important focus for understanding the Spanish colonial world, both for the colonial imagination and for the contemporary historian. In comparison with the contexts of production and exchange based around these mining centers, however, their wider contexts of mobility and logistics within the altiplano and the valleys leading west to the Pacific coast have been comparatively under-investigated by historians and archaeologists alike. The following chapter considers these peripheral and ‘interstitial’ landscapes and the communities they constituted (particularly as they articulated with prehispanic legacies of mobility and infrastructure), while also synthesizing some of the recent research on the archaeology of the colonial south-central Andes. The resulting discussion highlights some of the ongoing tensions between a focus on urban and rural environments, between different scales of analysis, and between textual and archaeological sources of historical data. Show less
Conflicts are multi causal and remain an inevitable part of human existence, and Africa like other parts of the world has had to grapple with the phenomenon. The Northern Region of Ghana has over... Show moreConflicts are multi causal and remain an inevitable part of human existence, and Africa like other parts of the world has had to grapple with the phenomenon. The Northern Region of Ghana has over the years been a hotbed of conflicts as several communities have gained notoriety for frequent violent disturbances. Though the “North” is not the only place of simmering tensions and conflicts since colonial times, the violent nature and intractability of some conflicts which often make the headlines for obviously “bad” reasons leaves much to be desired This paper examines Northern Ghana’s intractable conflicts many of which have partisan and political undertones, and have served as fodder to exacerbate; chieftaincy succession conflicts, land and boundary disputes, and others that may arise from competing group interests. More importantly, some of these disputes may directly be as a result of struggle for political power or domination. Whilst relying on textual or content analysis of conflicts in Ghana and Africa the author also makes use of, interviews, personal observation and experiences gained from the area under discussion. Resource persons and researchers, some from these conflict areas offered great insight for this write-up. Show less
Abstract:This article presents an analysis of the diaries of Barthélémy Boganda, priest and later politician in French Equatorial Africa. So far unknown, these diaries, stored in the archives of... Show moreAbstract:This article presents an analysis of the diaries of Barthélémy Boganda, priest and later politician in French Equatorial Africa. So far unknown, these diaries, stored in the archives of the French Spiritans, shed light on earlier stages of Boganda’s life, on which fewer sources are available. The article first discusses the broad historical background of colonialism in French Equatorial Africa and the significance of Barthélémy Boganda as an historical figure, also comparing him with other leaders of Africa’s decolonization struggles. It then analyses the nature of his diaries and their different entries and argues that it is through this source material that one can better understand the complexity of his person and the historical depth of his attitudes, thoughts and action.Résumé: Cet article présente une analyse des journaux de Barthélémy Boganda, prêtre et puis homme politique de l’Afrique Équatoriale Française. Inutilisés jusqu’à présent, ces journaux intimes conservés dans les archives des spiritains français éclairent les premiers stades de la vie de Boganda sur lesquels nous disposons de moins de sources. L’article examine d’abord le vaste contexte historique du colonialisme en Afrique Équatoriale Française et l’importance de Barthélémy Boganda comme figure historique en le comparant également avec d’autres dirigeants des luttes pour la décolonisation de l’Afrique. Il analyse ensuite la nature des journaux intimes de Boganda ainsi que leurs différentes entrées et suggère qu’à travers ce genre de sources, il est possible de mieux comprendre la complexité de sa personne et la profondeur historique de ses attitudes, pensées et actions. Show less
This paper discusses general political and economic issues in Nawuriland during and after German colonialism. The paper argues that the legacies of German colonialism are still largely seen and... Show moreThis paper discusses general political and economic issues in Nawuriland during and after German colonialism. The paper argues that the legacies of German colonialism are still largely seen and felt in Nawuriland especially in plantation projects, land and chieftaincy. Show less
The rich corpus of material produced by anthropologists of the Rhodes Livingstone Institute (RLI) in Lusaka has come to dominate our understanding of Zambian societies and Zambia's past. The RLI... Show moreThe rich corpus of material produced by anthropologists of the Rhodes Livingstone Institute (RLI) in Lusaka has come to dominate our understanding of Zambian societies and Zambia's past. The RLI was primarily concerned with the sociocultural effects of migrant labour. This paper argues that the anthropologists of the RLI worked from within a paradigm that was dominated by the experience of colonial conquest in South Africa. RLI anthropologists transferred their understanding of colonial conquest in South Africa to the Northern Rhodesian situation, without ever truly analysing the manner in which colonial rule had come to be established in Northern Rhodesia. As such the RLI anthropologists operated within a flawed understanding of the past. The paper argues that a historical paradigm of colonial conquest that was applicable to the South African situation came to be unquestioningly applied to the Northern Rhodesian situation. It concludes that current historiography dealing with the colonization of Zambia between 1890 and 1920 is seriously flawed and needs to be revised. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
The central tenets of this paper are that genocide and crimes against humanity are learnt practice, and that the seeds of the genocides that occurred in Namibia between 1904 and 1908 were sown in... Show moreThe central tenets of this paper are that genocide and crimes against humanity are learnt practice, and that the seeds of the genocides that occurred in Namibia between 1904 and 1908 were sown in the Congo in the late 19th century. The paper argues that the violence perpetrated by German officers in the service of the Belgian King Leopold in the Congo Free State was formative for the manner in which German colonial forces came to wage war in Tanzania, Namibia and China. In addition it argues that this violence was qualitatively different there where it could be and was checked by the intervention of civil society. [Book abstract, edited] Show less
Based on archival research, this book deals with the mass killings of peoples (particularly Herero and Nama) and conquest of land by German colonial forces between 1904-1908 in what was then known... Show moreBased on archival research, this book deals with the mass killings of peoples (particularly Herero and Nama) and conquest of land by German colonial forces between 1904-1908 in what was then known as German South West Africa (present-day Namibia). Most histories dealing with this Herero-German war at best only make passing reference to concentration camps and the prisoners kept there. The present book retraces the history of the concentration camps, also paying attention to patterns in the way prisoners were treated and what internment in the camps entailed for these people; the history of the Shark Island concentration camp in Lderitz; and the authorities responsible for the concentration camp mortalities. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
This article deals with the rebellion of 'Sawaba' against the PPN (Parti progressiste nigeI_rien) regime in Niger. Sawaba was a political party that represented a social movement and formed the... Show moreThis article deals with the rebellion of 'Sawaba' against the PPN (Parti progressiste nigeI_rien) regime in Niger. Sawaba was a political party that represented a social movement and formed the first autonomous government of Niger during the last years of French suzerainty (1957-1958). For a number of reasons, the French assisted in Sawaba's removal from government. Together with the new regime, they proceeded to persecute the Sawaba party, which was driven underground. Sawaba organized a clandestine domestic opposition and made preparations for a violent take-over with the help of friendly countries such as Ghana, Algeria and Mali. Assisted with arms, money and training, its commandos invaded Niger from the south and west in the autumn of 1964. Despite Algerian support before the invasion, the revolt failed and Sawaba was condemned to the political wilderness. This article focuses on the Algerian dimension of the revolt. It discusses the political evolution of Niger from the spring of 1957 to independence in August 1960 and how this connected to developments in Algeria. It then discusses Niger's security situation and how this was linked to control over its nomadic population and incursions made by the two countries across their common frontier. Subsequent sections analyse Sawaba's clandestine organization and the support provided by Algeria, discussing Sawaba's cell in Tamanrasset (southern Algeria) and its military training further to the north. The conclusion assesses the consequences of the failure of the revolt for the relations between Niger and Algeria. Notes, ref., sum. [Journal abstract] Show less
Am 12. Januar 1904 brach in Namibia ein Krieg zwischen der deutschen Kolonialverwaltung und grossen Teilen der lokalen Bevölkerung aus - ein Krieg, der später als Herero-Krieg in die Annalen der... Show moreAm 12. Januar 1904 brach in Namibia ein Krieg zwischen der deutschen Kolonialverwaltung und grossen Teilen der lokalen Bevölkerung aus - ein Krieg, der später als Herero-Krieg in die Annalen der Kolonialgeschichte eingehen sollte. Dieses Kapitel versucht in dichter Beschreibung der Ereignisse unmittelbar vor und nach Ausbruch des Krieges sowie durch die konsequente Durchleuchtung individueller Handlungsrationalität das Augenmerk weg von strukturellen Ursachen des Krieges hin zu unmittelbaren Auslösern der Gewalt zu lenken. Es wird gezeigt, dass der Krieg nicht das Resultat eines länger geplanten Aufstandes der Herero gegen die deutsche Kolonialherrschaft war. Der Krieg war eine unmittelbare Folge der Siedlerparanoia in Verbindung mit der Inkompetenz und Panik eines deutschen Offiziers (Zürn). Fussnoten. [Zusammenfassung ASC Leiden] Show less
Following a brief description of the Herero genocide of 1904/1907, this chapter provides a chronological overview of the way in which the Herero have sought to draw the world's attention to the... Show moreFollowing a brief description of the Herero genocide of 1904/1907, this chapter provides a chronological overview of the way in which the Herero have sought to draw the world's attention to the crimes committed by imperial Germany in Namibia. Calls for recompensation revolve in the end around the issue of German government responsibility. That is, to what extent were the Herero genocide and related atrocities the product of German policy? To what extent were the criminal acts not merely the actions of individuals? Material presented in this chapter shows that the Herero genocide and associated atrocities were indeed officially sanctioned. During the Herero-German war, the German settlers and soldiers carried out a shoot-to-kill policy, conducted extrajudicial killings, established concentration camps, employed forced labour, and in at least two cases, established death camps. After the war, the loss of Herero liberty, land and stock was officially sanctioned in legislation. At no stage after 1904 were any German settlers or soldiers brought to justice for genocidal acts committed in Namibia between 1904 and 1908. Bibliogr., notes [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
