İmparatorlukların yıkılıp ulus-devletlerin kurulduğu 20. yüzyıla varan süreçte Osmanlı, Habsburg, Romanov ve Kaçar imparatorluklarının sınırlarına büyük bir hareketlilik hâkimdi. Kalıplaşmış siyasi... Show moreİmparatorlukların yıkılıp ulus-devletlerin kurulduğu 20. yüzyıla varan süreçte Osmanlı, Habsburg, Romanov ve Kaçar imparatorluklarının sınırlarına büyük bir hareketlilik hâkimdi. Kalıplaşmış siyasi hayat baştan aşağıya değişiyordu. Asiler Devri, bu süreçte Balkanlar’dan Kafkasya ve Ortadoğu’ya uzanan geniş bir coğrafyayı şiddet yoluyla şekillendiren eşkıyaların, isyancıların, çetecilerin ve eylemcilerin izini sürüyor. Ramazan Hakkı Öztan ve Alp Yenen’in derlediği bu çalışma, Kafkas eşkıyalar ile Balkan devrimcilerin, İranlı çeteciler ile İttihatçıların kurulu düzeni ihlal etmelerine yol açan koşulları ve eylemlerinin sonuçlarını, çeşitli vakalar üzerinden tarihsel ve biyografik yaklaşımlarla ele alıyor. Show less
Civilian self-protection is often associated with nonviolent means of protection. This chapter questions this view and argues that certain types of armed self-defence can be understood as... Show moreCivilian self-protection is often associated with nonviolent means of protection. This chapter questions this view and argues that certain types of armed self-defence can be understood as expressions of civilian protection agency. Specifically, it examines the consequences of the activities of community-initiated part-time militias during the war in Mozambique, drawing on a data set of violent events compiled from archival sources and interviews. Through this case study, it explores in what ways and under what conditions these more contentious and more risky forms of civilian self-protection help reduce violence against civilians during wartime and contribute to protection outcomes. The chapter shows how any effect in terms of protection was a temporary one, as the rebels quickly adapted and learned how to respond to the new armed challenge. Overall, the chapter emphasizes the dynamic character of war, shaped by learning processes on both the part of civilians and rebels. Show less
Technology companies promise that it will bring about a newly empowered, just, and equitable society, by removing physical barriers to social participation and enhancing human capabilities and... Show moreTechnology companies promise that it will bring about a newly empowered, just, and equitable society, by removing physical barriers to social participation and enhancing human capabilities and experiences. But there are many factors to consider when discussing what the metaverse should be, how significant it might become, and how it will affect both the individual and society. On the one hand, the report acknowledges the positive impact the metaverse could have in empowering individuals and enhancing human capabilities, particularly for those who experience vulnerability in the offline world. However, it also highlights the reinforcement of social inequalities due to the digital divide, limited access for certain groups, and the perpetuation of subordination and conformity within the virtual realm.The paper questions why the metaverse is being developed, how it will be created and accessed, who will be creating it, and how it is defined. It also explores the nuances and definitions of vulnerability and positions human vulnerability within the context of the metaverse to consider its impact.In light of these findings, the report presents a set of recommendations for governments and regulators. These include requiring businesses developing the metaverse to follow the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, involving vulnerable groups in the design process, establishing guidelines for measuring the impact on human rights, and enacting new laws and policies to address gaps in the legal framework.As the metaverse continues to gain momentum and attract widespread interest, the potential risks and vulnerabilities must be acknowledged and mitigated. Show less
April 2015, Burundi. What started as peaceful demonstrations against another term of president Nkurunziza, quickly turned into violent confrontations between mostly young male civilians and... Show moreApril 2015, Burundi. What started as peaceful demonstrations against another term of president Nkurunziza, quickly turned into violent confrontations between mostly young male civilians and government forces. The demonstrations signalled the beginning of a new political crisis after a decade of peace. In this paper, we draw on eye-witness accounts of civilians to understand the escalation of violence. We argue that legacies of conflict informed the understanding and escalation of the violence. For instance, memories and skills learned by adults and older peers during the civil war were passed on to novices to organise protests and neighbourhood defence. Yet the legacies of conflict also juxtaposed with protesters’ ideals on ‘civil’ non-violent political dialogue. The ambivalence towards violence experienced and narrated by protesters and witnesses points to intergenerational change, but may also be understood as contradictions in how political dialogue and competition is generally envisioned in Burundi. Show less
Aim: This paper aims to better understand the relationship between homicide and other public health outcomes, by studying their trends over time.Subject and Methods: Research in both criminology... Show moreAim: This paper aims to better understand the relationship between homicide and other public health outcomes, by studying their trends over time.Subject and Methods: Research in both criminology and public health has long identified that crime and violence tend to cluster together with adverse phenomena in the social and the health domain. However, such work has relied primarily on cross-sectional analyses. Here, we instead study trends over time. We take data from the Netherlands, between 2000 and 2020, and ask whether homicide shows similar trends over time as other public health phenomena – such as smoking behaviour, alcohol use, child mortality, adolescent pregnancies and suicide.Results: We observe, first, that all of the phenomena – with the exception of suicide – declined over the period under study. We then employ a time series analysis to examine whether these trends arise independently, or whether they are the result of structural similarities between phenomena. Results showed that the decline in homicide rates is linked to a similar decline in adolescent pregnancies – the rates of these phenomena “move together” during the period under study.Conclusion: This work shows that the phenomenon of homicide shares structural similarities with teenage pregnancies – a decline in one is linked to a similar decline in the other. More generally, the current work furthers our understanding of the place of homicide in the domain of (public) health. Show less
Homicide is generally considered the most serious of all crimes and according to this line of reasoning, constitutes the “tip of the iceberg” of underlying crime. As such, homicide is frequently... Show moreHomicide is generally considered the most serious of all crimes and according to this line of reasoning, constitutes the “tip of the iceberg” of underlying crime. As such, homicide is frequently used as an indicator of the level of violence in cross-national and historical studies. The same could be said for drug-related homicide, specifically. Many drug-related violent incidents remain unreported – including torture, physical assault, threats and so on. In the absence of a full picture of the level of drug-related violence, it can be necessary to use other related indicators for which data is more readily available such as drug-related homicide (DRH). From this perspective, DRH would form a lethal tip of the iceberg of underlying drug-related criminal violence, which in turn could be an indicator of underlying drug market activity. If we indeed consider drug-related homicide as a tip of the iceberg of underlying criminal violence, then we would expect such homicides to cluster together in time and space with other types of criminal violence – in particular firearm-related homicides and other, non-lethal firearm incidents.In this working paper we seek to assess to what extent DRH cluster together with firearm- related violence and whether these forms of violence could be used as indicators of underling drug crime. Show less
Populations in war-torn regions are exposed to a wide array of traumatic events that can cause an enormous psychological burden. Individual characteristics influence the likelihood of being exposed... Show morePopulations in war-torn regions are exposed to a wide array of traumatic events that can cause an enormous psychological burden. Individual characteristics influence the likelihood of being exposed to certain events, pointing to systematic interindividual differences in trauma exposure. However, there is a dearth of studies examining potential patterns of trauma exposure in war regions. In this cross-sectional epidemiological study, we applied a person-centered approach to identify patterns in the exposure to conflict-related traumatic events and determine their impact on commonly reported mental health problems in a population-based sample (N = 1000) from the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. We implemented multi-stage random cluster sampling to randomly select adults from 100 villages. Of 1000 adults (Mage = 43.19 years) included in the study, 50% were female. Results showed high prevalence of PTSD (17.0%), depression (27.8%), anxiety (25.4%) and suicidality (15.1%) following exposure to conflict-related traumatic events since 2002. Latent Class Analysis identified three distinct classes of trauma exposure: Class 1 “low-trauma-exposure” (51.4%, n = 514) was characterized by the lowest probabilities of trauma exposure. Class 2 “non-physical-trauma” (39.1%, n = 391) consisted of individuals with a high probability for exposure to non-physical trauma types only. Class 3 “interpersonal-trauma” (9.5%, n = 95) had the overall highest probability of exposure to traumatic events and was the only class affected by interpersonal-trauma types. Class membership was related to gender, age and place of living. Vulnerability to mental health problems increased from low-trauma-exposure to non-physical-trauma to interpersonal-trauma class. Our findings indicate that the exposure to traumatic events in conflict-affected populations underlies distinct patterns, with interpersonal trauma as a distinguishing marker. Vulnerability to psychopathology varies with trauma patterns, revealing patterns that include both non-physical and interpersonal traumata as most detrimental for mental health. Identification of underlying trauma patterns and their effects may improve mental health care in war-affected populations. Show less
A fuller understanding of drug-related violence requires good quality data. Having such data consistently up-to-date will provide benefit in policy-making and evaluation, as well as for operational... Show moreA fuller understanding of drug-related violence requires good quality data. Having such data consistently up-to-date will provide benefit in policy-making and evaluation, as well as for operational, monitoring and research purposes. For policy-makers, accurate data on drug-related violence will provide a fuller picture of the drugs trade and its societal impact — essential for planning and assessing policy responses, priority setting and resource allocation. Show less
This paper offers a political analysis of the development of the TPLF-induced armed conflict in northern Ethiopia and considers the international responses in media and international policy circles... Show moreThis paper offers a political analysis of the development of the TPLF-induced armed conflict in northern Ethiopia and considers the international responses in media and international policy circles. The extension of the conflict by the TPLF after the unilateral ceasefire proclaimed by the federal government on 28 June 2021 (followed by its retreat from Tigray) did not lead to an easing of the fighting. On the contrary, the TPLF used scorched-earth tactics, perpetrated substantial abuse of civilians (mass killings, burning down villages, destroying and looting hospitals, health centres and other economic infrastructure), and created food scarcity, hundreds of thousands of IDPs and hugely aggravated humanitarian problems in the Amhara and Afar regions. In spite of this unilateral TPLF extension of the armed conflict, the responses of international policy circles, notably from the Western ‘donor countries’ and the UN, have been negative towards the federal government and mild on the TPLF.This paper explores aspects of this paradoxical and problematic approach and argues that it will not lead to a political or other solution of the conflict, especially not in view of the undiminished belligerent strategy of the TPLF. The Ethiopian federal government and its leader PM Abiy Ahmed, having been confirmed in power after a relatively successful and credible parliamentary election on 21 June 2021, are pressurized by much of the global media and Western policy makers for the problems in Tigray – including the ‘famine’ declared by TPLF - and urged to negotiate. The TPLF, incorrectly identified with the people of Tigray as a whole, is not held to account. But an overbearing Western approach based on the threat of sanctions (by the US government) and on what often seem ‘neo-imperialist’ demands, as evident from serious interference in the conflict - even by a number of UN individuals (expelled from the country on 30 September 2021) - will not contribute to political negotiations or dialogue, restoration of peace, or rehabilitation of the war-torn regions, neither to stability in Ethiopia. Not only improved media reporting, based on solid local (Ethiopian) information and checking sources, but also a fundamental reset of certain UN and Western donor country policies on Ethiopia, are needed.RésuméCette étude propose une analyse politique du développement du conflit armé induit par les TPLF dans le nord de l'Éthiopie et examine les réponses internationales dans les médias et les cercles politiques internationaux. L'extension du conflit par le TPLF après le cessez-le-feu unilatéral proclamé par le gouvernement fédéral le 28 juin 2021 (suivi de son retrait du Tigré) n'a pas conduit à un apaisement des combats ; au contraire. Les tactiques de la terre brûlée, les abus sérieux contre les civils (meurtres en masse, incendies de villages, pillage et destruction des hôpitaux et autres infrastructures économiques), la pénurie alimentaire, des centaines de milliers de déplacés internes et des problèmes humanitaires extrêmement aggravés dans les régions d'Amhara et d'Afar en ont été le résultat. Malgré cette extension unilatérale du conflit par le TPLF, les réponses des cercles politiques internationaux, notamment des pays « bailleurs-de-fonds » occidentaux et de l'ONU, ont été négatives envers le gouvernement fédéral mais modérées envers le TPLF. Show less
This article takes a close look at a small selection of court cases from the Dutch coloniesBerbice (in present-day Guyana) and Curaçao in the eighteenth century, to examine underwhat circumstances... Show moreThis article takes a close look at a small selection of court cases from the Dutch coloniesBerbice (in present-day Guyana) and Curaçao in the eighteenth century, to examine underwhat circumstances and in what ways colonial authorities chose to intervene in violencecommitted against enslaved people. This serves to gain insight into broader attitudes towardsviolence against enslaved people, many instances of which remain obscured in colonialarchives because they were normalized, formally sanctioned, or simply not prioritized bycolonial institutions such as the criminal court. In comparing Curaçao and Berbice, specialattention is given to the specific historical developments and social geography of each colony,which shaped colonial administrators’ concerns and therefore attitudes to violence: when didauthorities decide to intervene, and how did their considerations vary depending on time andplace? Show less
