İmparatorlukların yıkılıp ulus-devletlerin kurulduğu 20. yüzyıla varan süreçte Osmanlı, Habsburg, Romanov ve Kaçar imparatorluklarının sınırlarına büyük bir hareketlilik hâkimdi. Kalıplaşmış siyasi... Show moreİmparatorlukların yıkılıp ulus-devletlerin kurulduğu 20. yüzyıla varan süreçte Osmanlı, Habsburg, Romanov ve Kaçar imparatorluklarının sınırlarına büyük bir hareketlilik hâkimdi. Kalıplaşmış siyasi hayat baştan aşağıya değişiyordu. Asiler Devri, bu süreçte Balkanlar’dan Kafkasya ve Ortadoğu’ya uzanan geniş bir coğrafyayı şiddet yoluyla şekillendiren eşkıyaların, isyancıların, çetecilerin ve eylemcilerin izini sürüyor. Ramazan Hakkı Öztan ve Alp Yenen’in derlediği bu çalışma, Kafkas eşkıyalar ile Balkan devrimcilerin, İranlı çeteciler ile İttihatçıların kurulu düzeni ihlal etmelerine yol açan koşulları ve eylemlerinin sonuçlarını, çeşitli vakalar üzerinden tarihsel ve biyografik yaklaşımlarla ele alıyor. Show less
Four years of protracted negotiations and bitter warfare passed between the declaration of Indonesian independence on 17 August, 1945, and the official transfer of sovereignty on 27 December, 1949.... Show moreFour years of protracted negotiations and bitter warfare passed between the declaration of Indonesian independence on 17 August, 1945, and the official transfer of sovereignty on 27 December, 1949. Whereas the newly proclaimed Republic of Indonesia rejected the colonial regime and hence any attempt at ‘recolonization’ by the Dutch after the Japanese occupation (1942-1945), the Dutch framed their return to the archipelago as a mission to restore ‘order and peace’. Images of the Indonesian War. Many of these materials, alongside photographs and oral history collections, ended up in the collections of the KITLV and eventually the Leiden University Libraries. This trilingual (English, Dutch and Indonesian) catalogue accompanies a digital exhibition of some fifty unique items. The selection made demonstrates the sharply contrasting perspectives on the legitimacy of the Republic and Dutch colonialism, and also offers first-hand testimonies of a bitter war with a huge imbalance of casualties. Show less
The study of revolutions is at the forefront of the growing field of International Historical Sociology. As International Historical Sociology scholars have sought to uncover the spatio-temporally... Show moreThe study of revolutions is at the forefront of the growing field of International Historical Sociology. As International Historical Sociology scholars have sought to uncover the spatio-temporally changing character of international relations, they have come a long way in overcoming ‘unilinear’ and ‘internalist’ conceptions of revolutionary modern transformation. In this article, I re-evaluate the extent to which the International Historical Sociology of ‘bourgeois revolutions’ has succeeded in remedying unilinear conceptions of the transition to modernity. I argue that ‘consequentialist’ approaches to the study of bourgeois revolutions tend to obscure the radically heterogeneous character of revolutionary transformations, both within and outside Western Europe. Drawing on Political Marxism and Robbie Shilliam’s discussion of Jacobinism, I first provide a non-consequentialist reading of the revolutions of modernity within Western Europe, and then utilize this reinterpretation to provide a new interpretation of the Turkish Revolution (1923–1945). My aim is to demonstrate that a non-consequentialist conception of ‘bourgeois revolutions’ will enable us to historicize and theorize more accurately the co-constitution of international relations and revolutionary processes, hence providing a stronger foundation for the International Historical Sociology of modern revolutions. Show less
This book explores the new types of political organization that emerged in Western Europe and the United States during the nineteenth century, from popular meetings to single-issue organizations... Show moreThis book explores the new types of political organization that emerged in Western Europe and the United States during the nineteenth century, from popular meetings to single-issue organizations and political parties. The development of these has often been used to demonstrate a movement towards democratic representation or political institutionalization. This volume challenges the idea that the development of ‘democracy’ is a story of rise and progress at all. It is rather a story of continuous but never completely satisfying attempts of interpreting the rule of the people. Taking the perspective of nineteenth-century organizers as its point of departure, this study shows that contemporaries hardly distinguished between petitioning, meeting and association. The attraction of organizing was that it promised representation, accountability and popular participation. Only in the twentieth century did parties reliable partners for the state in averting revolution, managing the unpredictable effects of universal suffrage, and reforming society. This collection analyzes them in their earliest stage, as just one of several types of civil society organizations, that did not differ that much from each other. The promise of organization, and the experiments that resulted from it, deeply impacted modern politics. Show less
Democratie van onderaf: het is even verleidelijk als problematisch. Dat zien we niet alleen bij de Occupy-beweging en de Arabische lente, maar ook in de geschiedenis. In 1848 trok een golf van... Show moreDemocratie van onderaf: het is even verleidelijk als problematisch. Dat zien we niet alleen bij de Occupy-beweging en de Arabische lente, maar ook in de geschiedenis. In 1848 trok een golf van revoluties over ons continent. Plotseling kregen miljoenen Europeanen de kans hun stem te laten horen in drukbezochte volksvergaderingen en politieke clubs. In dit moment van gekte leek even alles mogelijk. De toekomst lag open. 1848 – Clubkoorts en revolutie neemt de lezer mee naar de onrustige steden Parijs en Berlijn, twee brandpunten van de ‘Europese lente’. Geerten Waling schetst de dromen en verwachtingen achter de honderden democratische experimenten die er een nieuw publiek debat creëerden. En de politieke realiteit waarmee zij werden geconfronteerd. De revoluties van 1848 werden uiteindelijk allemaal neergeslagen of doofden uit, maar de ervaringen van dat jaar zouden de politieke cultuur in Europa blijvend veranderen. Ze maakten de moderne democratieën mogelijk die wij tegenwoordig als vanzelfsprekend beschouwen. Show less
Bedachtzame revolutionairen (Cautious revolutionaries) analyzes debates among the opposition in Czechoslovakia and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) during the last fifteen years of communist... Show moreBedachtzame revolutionairen (Cautious revolutionaries) analyzes debates among the opposition in Czechoslovakia and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) during the last fifteen years of communist rule. It compares how during the 1970s and 1980s the East German and Czech opposition movements debated several issues (the relevance of socialism, the tension between peace and human rights, cultural criticism and environmental activism), how they reacted to the Soviet reforms that from 1985 onwards changed the political landscape in Central and Eastern Europe, and, finally, how they acted during the breakdown of the communist regimes in 1989. Contrary to what current historiography suggests, this book argues that reform socialism, cultural criticism and a critical attitude towards Western consumer society and party democracy were not themes unique for the East German opposition. However, the division of Germany and the permanent flow of emigration to the West did have a decisive impact on the social composition and political outlook of the opposition in the GDR, which, unlike the Czechs, almost completely lacked leading intellectuals and was far more optimistic about the prospects of a reformed socialism. Show less
A reconstruction of the Théorie du Pouvoir, the first and major work of the French philosopher Louis de Bonald, shows that this work is best being read along the lines of political classicism: its... Show moreA reconstruction of the Théorie du Pouvoir, the first and major work of the French philosopher Louis de Bonald, shows that this work is best being read along the lines of political classicism: its syllogistic structure consists of a philosophical (deductive) maior, a historical (empirical) minor, and the political conclusion that the aristocratic authority and corporative forms characteristic of the preabsolutist era rather than ancien régime monarchy should be restored. As much as a frontal attack on the French Revolution and its Enlightenment ideas it can be regarded as a subtle defense of the nobility’s cause against absolutist policies. The common view that Bonald was a champion of absolutism should be replaced by the view that he continued Montesquieu and prefigured Tocqueville. As an archetypical conservative Bonald cannot be said to be a mere precursor of fascism. This is demonstrated in the epilogue, which discusses the ways that Bonald’s ideas have been transmitted, adopted and transformed not just by the modern extreme-right but also by French royalism, German romanticism, panslavism, carlism, conservatism in Latin and Northern America, Dutch neocalvinism, French liberalism, the Catholic Church, corporatism, christian-democracy, the social sciences, socialism, anarchism, men of letters, esoteric traditionalism and islamic fundamentalism. Show less
This research has analyzed the topic of “conservatism” (baoshou zhuyi) in early 1990s China from a twofold perspective. Firstly, in the tradition of conceptual history (Begriffsgeschichte), the... Show moreThis research has analyzed the topic of “conservatism” (baoshou zhuyi) in early 1990s China from a twofold perspective. Firstly, in the tradition of conceptual history (Begriffsgeschichte), the concrete use of the concept of “conservatism” in Chinese intellectual discourse has been studied in relation to the “counterconcept” of “radicalism” (jijin zhuyi). This approach has enabled the study of a variety of references to “conservatism,” such as the “neo-conservatism” of Xiao Gongqin and the “princelings,” the 1992 debate on the nature of modern Chinese history that was triggered by the overseas Chinese historian Yü Ying-shih, the New Confucianism of Chen Lai, and Zheng Min’s criticism of the Literary Revolution. On a second level, it has been investigated whether these criticisms of “radicalism” were expressions of a conservative “style of thought” that went beyond the critique of historical events such as the May Fourth Movement, the Cultural Revolution, or the quest for science and democracy of the 1980s. Show less
