Parental socialization refers to the process through which parents transmit values and beliefs to their children. During this process, children learn to understand the world and shape their social... Show moreParental socialization refers to the process through which parents transmit values and beliefs to their children. During this process, children learn to understand the world and shape their social functioning. The impact of parental socialization can vary across different cultures. My research focuses on family interactions within Chinese cultures, emphasizing the importance of cultural nuances when examining the role of parental behaviors in children's social development. The study utilized samples of Chinese children and their parents, employing various research methods, including observations, interviews, and questionnaires. The findings indicated that Chinese mothers' psychological control had a relatively minor negative effect on children's emotion regulation and social anxiety. Additionally, the research revealed racism and colorism among Chinese children, which were associated with mothers' color-evasive socialization behaviors. Chinese mothers did not avoid talking about racial appearance and cultural background, which contrasts with studies in White Western populations where most White mothers showed color evasion. Chinese mothers’ acknowledgement of shared culture predicted children’s positive attitudes towards their own racial ingroup with a darker skin tone. My research underscores the unique features of Chinese culture that play a pivotal role in shaping the nature and consequences of parental socialization on children's social functioning. It highlights that Western theories related to parenting and color-evasive socialization may need adaptation when applied to non-Western cultural contexts. Show less
Since before the American Civil War, African American and Japanese encounters produced relationships and discourses of knowledge that transcended Eurocentric conceptions of civilization and... Show moreSince before the American Civil War, African American and Japanese encounters produced relationships and discourses of knowledge that transcended Eurocentric conceptions of civilization and hierarchies of personhood. 'Black Transnationalism and Japan' introduces the diverse activity and intellectual movements created, shaped, and led by Japanese and African American people. While some Pan-Asianisms and Pan-Africanisms urged a uniting of colonized spaces against the colonizer, and were often expressed in the form of decolonization movements, this volume introduces various transnational phenomena that transcended such dichotomies. Black American-Japanese transnational encounters often occurred on the non-state level from within the two new competing empires of America and Japan. Such transnational encounters reveal not only heretofore hidden historical actors, friendships, and solidarities, but also innovative cultural productions that challenged hierarchies of race, culture, and imperialism. Show less
Discrimination is still not sufficiently addressed within liberal democracies. Often only some groups are protected against discrimination and merely in certain situations. This leaves many who... Show moreDiscrimination is still not sufficiently addressed within liberal democracies. Often only some groups are protected against discrimination and merely in certain situations. This leaves many who suffer because of discrimination without recourse. And that is only one of the dilemmas with group-based approaches to the protection against discrimination. So why are these approaches so common? And can we find a viable alternative?In this new book, legal scholar Erwin Dijkstra answers these questions. His analysis is thorough, original, and thought-provoking. This makes Discrimination and the Foundation of Justice indispensable for anyone who seeks a better understanding of discrimination law, the relevant human rights context, and the debate on improving the protection against discrimination. That debate is brought to life through a thoughtful discussion of hotly debated topics like hate speech, affirmative action, and institutions that speak out against discrimination.As discrimination concerns us all, this book was written as a resource for all. It is meant to be read by those studying discrimination law professionally and the broader public alike. Show less
Chile has been experiencing important economic growth since the 1980s, turning it into one of the most prosperous countries in Latin America. With the return to democracy in 1990, the country also... Show moreChile has been experiencing important economic growth since the 1980s, turning it into one of the most prosperous countries in Latin America. With the return to democracy in 1990, the country also regained high levels of political and social stability that still makes it stand out among the countries in the region. All this has caused an important level of migration of citizens from other Latin American countries, all wanting to participate of the economic prosperity and political stability that characterises Chile.This study is focused on the current wave of migration of immigrants from Latin America and the Caribbean to Chile. This study analyses the situation of immigrants of African descent in the Arica and Parinacota, Tarapacá and Antofagasta regions that make up Chile’s Norte Grande. Given the fact that this part of the country shares borders with Peru and Bolivia, the local population has, in the past, been relatively more tolerant to immigrants than the rest of the country.The first aim pf the study is to observe how these immigrants are received in said cities and, in particular, what the locals and immigrants of African descent think about their possibilities of being included in Chilean society and their impact on local identity. The aim is to contribute to the debate on migration processes in northern Chile. On one hand, how immigrants (re)construct their identity is also explored, as well as how local society in these cities adapts to either include and/or exclude this otherness. That is why attention is paid to both the expectations of how immigrants will be received as well as to these cities’ socio-political histories and how they were created and set up. Show less
This article identifies and provides examples of five recurring speech patterns on dating platforms that users might experience as racist and/or xenophobic. Empirical material comes from over... Show moreThis article identifies and provides examples of five recurring speech patterns on dating platforms that users might experience as racist and/or xenophobic. Empirical material comes from over 3000 Copenhagen-based profile texts on Grindr and PlanetRomeo—two platforms that cater primarily to men seeking men—as well as from interviews with twelve recent immigrants to the greater Copenhagen area who use these platforms. Theories of everyday racism (Essed, 1991), sexual racism (Callander, 2015), and entitlement racism (Essed, 2013; Essed and Muhr, 2018) informed the formulation of these five patterns, which I identify as the following: persistent questions about the origins of people with migration background; racial-sexual exclusions; racial-sexual fetishes; conflation between (potential) immigrants and economic opportunism; and insults directed at immigrants based on race, nationality, or religion. As an exploratory study, this article mainly serves to inform readers of the various ways immigrants and people of color can experience racism and xenophobia while participating in online sexual and social networking platforms; but secondly, the chapter archives the mercurial and fleeting (albeit historically embedded) discourses on these platforms for future researchers interested in comparing racisms over time and across cultures. Show less
Was the failure to establish civil and political equality for the former slaves during Reconstruction the more-or-less inevitable consequence of the essentially conservative nature of the federal... Show moreWas the failure to establish civil and political equality for the former slaves during Reconstruction the more-or-less inevitable consequence of the essentially conservative nature of the federal Reconstruction project? The Politics of Terror instead suggests that even the limited program enacted by lawmakers in Washington DC might have achieved far more, had the federal government enforced its provisions vigorously when faced with extra-legal, often violent resistance by Southern whites. Reconstruction's ultimate failure represented not so much a ‘Compromise of Principle,' as an all-out capitulation in the face of terrorism. In the decade after Appomattox, Southern whites developed increasingly effective strategies to thwart the promise of civil and political equality embodied in Congressional Reconstruction. These included a transition from widespread violence to more targeted threats and intimidation, as well as a media campaign aimed at deflecting a vigorous Northern response by undermining the perceived legitimacy of Southern Republicans. At the same time, local military commanders achieved successes, albeit limited and temporary, in containing violence and enforcing the civil and political rights of the black population. Such episodes provide a crucial counterpoint to the narrative of violent resistance, reminding us of what Reconstruction might have achieved had organized terror not triumphed over the rule of law. Taking Louisiana's Red River Valley as a case study, The Politics of Terror explores the dynamics and experience of incessant political violence that characterized local Reconstruction politics in much of the cotton South. Emphasizing the fundamentally contested and anarchic nature of these local politics, it shows how control over the day-to-day levers of power was often more important than the formal outcome of institutionalized political processes. At the same time, these localized struggles over political, economic, and racial control both reflected and influenced the developments of Reconstruction on a national scale. This thesis also deconstructs the highly moralized narratives imposed on Reconstruction by both Dunningite and Revisionist historians. Southern whites were hardly the innocent and set-upon victims of a few conniving whites who manipulated hordes of ignorant former slaves; but neither were the white and black Republican leaders universally high-minded and idealistic prophets of the twentieth century civil rights movement. The story of Reconstruction, in fact, boasts few heroes and offers little comfort to those who conceive of American history as a uniform march towards progress. Show less