The EU has imposed financial sanctions on Poland for problems with judicial independence. The sanctions amount to more than €300 mill., and the sum continues to grow. How are the sanctions... Show moreThe EU has imposed financial sanctions on Poland for problems with judicial independence. The sanctions amount to more than €300 mill., and the sum continues to grow. How are the sanctions perceived by the Polish population? Are they considered justified and acceptable, and by whom? Show less
One of the major findings of the literature on Euroscepticism is that support for European integration generally declines as one moves closer to the extremes of the left-right ideological spectrum.... Show moreOne of the major findings of the literature on Euroscepticism is that support for European integration generally declines as one moves closer to the extremes of the left-right ideological spectrum. However, in multidimensional policy space, Euroscepticism varies in more complex ways. This article explores the relief of Euroscepticism for citizens in four European states – the Netherlands, Germany, Italy and France – based on data from voting advice applications fielded before the 2019 elections of the European Parliament. The results reveal that the way Euroscepticism maps onto other dimensions differs significantly for citizens and for parties and across political contexts. Such variation is important for understanding how preferences for European integration are embedded into existing structures of political competition. Show less
Albrecht, H.; Bishara, D.; Bufano, M.; Koehler, K. 2021
Popular attitudes in support of authoritarian alternatives and weak party systems constitute important threats to democratic consolidation and the stability of new democracies. This article... Show morePopular attitudes in support of authoritarian alternatives and weak party systems constitute important threats to democratic consolidation and the stability of new democracies. This article explores popular alienation from established political actors in Tunisia. Under what conditions do citizens support alternatives to the elites in power and the institutional infrastructure of a new democracy? Drawing on an original, nationally representative survey in Tunisia administered in 2017, this article examines three categories of popular attitudes in support of political outsiders.Military interventionism appears in people’s preferences for anti-system politics—the most immediate challenge to the country’s stability and democratic transition. Anti-political establishment sentiments are shown in people’s preferences for an enhanced role of the country’s main trade union as a civil-society alternative to political party elites. Finally, outsider eclecticism is the seemingly incoherent phenomenon of concurrent support for a civil society actor and the military as an ‘authoritarian alternative.’ Anti-establishment sentiments will continue to be an important element in Tunisian post-authoritarian politics, evidenced by the rise to power of Kais Said in the 2019 presidential elections and his 2021 decision to dismiss parliament. In turn, popular support for military intervention may have implications for the country’s domestic security and peaceful transition. Show less
Although the Netherlands remained neutral during the First World War, its population was nonetheless affected by the war. Already in the 1920s and 1930s, Dutch journalists wrote about the... Show moreAlthough the Netherlands remained neutral during the First World War, its population was nonetheless affected by the war. Already in the 1920s and 1930s, Dutch journalists wrote about the possibility of a war in which the Netherlands would also be involved. From the early 1920s to the German invasion in May 1940, journalists, political commentators, politicians, military officials and civilians were occupied by the question what tomorrow’s war might look like. This book captures their efforts and brings to life the cultural memories of the First World War and the expectations for the war to come.By focusing on the dynamics of cultural memories, predictions for the future, and the resultant fear and anxiety, this book provides a better understanding of the ways in which the cultural memories of the Great War and expectations for a future war were part of Dutch society. It draws from a wide array of sources, ranging from newspaper clippings, novels, films and theatre plays to political cartoons and paintings. Most importantly, this study has a unique perspective. Whereas most existing studies look back from the Second World War, this book instead looks forward from the interbellum. Show less
Valid and reliable estimates of the policy preferences of political parties' supporters are essential for the study of political representation. However, such estimates are not directly available... Show moreValid and reliable estimates of the policy preferences of political parties' supporters are essential for the study of political representation. However, such estimates are not directly available from standard surveys of public opinion, which are typically representative by design only at the national level and rarely ask questions about public support for specific policies. In this article, we explore the possibility to use data from voting advice applications (VAA) to estimate the policy preferences of party supporters. To do that, first, we identify 10 questions on preferences towards issues of public policy that were asked around the same time and with similar wording in traditional surveys of public opinion and in VAAs fielded in Germany and in the Netherlands. Then we compare the VAA data disaggregated by political affiliation of the respondents to the survey data adjusted via multilevel regression modeling with poststratification (MRP). We find strong positive correlations between the estimates derived from both methods, especially after weighting the VAA data. Yet, point estimates are not always very close, and the match is sensitive to the treatment of neutral and ‘don't know’ answers. Overall, our results bode well for the validity of using VAA data in empirical research on political representation. Show less
Do interest groups help or hinder democratic policymaking? While interest groups are often understood as transmission belts which work as important intermediaries between the public and the... Show moreDo interest groups help or hinder democratic policymaking? While interest groups are often understood as transmission belts which work as important intermediaries between the public and the policymaking level, their involvement is not without risk. Unequal opportunities and undue influence may bias the interest group landscape towards special interests.The latter, less optimistic perspective on interest group involvement is one that reflects public concerns as lobbying has a rather negative reputation amongst the general public. It is crucial for the study of interest groups as well as representative democracy to know the extent to which these stances on lobbying are warranted. Do groups actually represent the public and can contribute to democratic legitimacy? More specifically, can groups act as transmission belts of public preferences and how could they do so?Understanding these mechanisms is important for understanding how groups can help strengthen the extent to which governments respond to public demands. It is the dissertation’s aim to contribute to these debates, paying particular attention to the extent to which interest groups inform policymakers about what the public wants. Show less
