Ethiopia is frequently facing serious political–communal conflict. Prevailing narratives attempting to identify causes often focus on presumed ‘ethnic’ groups and inequalities – a perspective... Show moreEthiopia is frequently facing serious political–communal conflict. Prevailing narratives attempting to identify causes often focus on presumed ‘ethnic’ groups and inequalities – a perspective crystallized especially in the past ca. 30 years. While Ethiopia as a socio-political domain existed for ages before the Emperor Menilik period (1889–1913) of incorporation of adjacent territories, the question emerges whether the ‘roots’ of recent armed conflicts are as much contemporary-political as historical, and related to an established political culture, based on resilient authoritarian values among both elites and the wider population. Ethiopia’s current unresolved conflict dynamics need a renewed analysis of not only history and ‘political economy’ but also of recent constitutional features and group politics, which strongly impacted on its political culture. On the basis of document study and interviews, I examine crucial features of such recent processes so as to re-evaluate the specific articulations of ethno-regionally based governance in Ethiopia in recent years to find causal elements fuelling the repetitive cycles of conflict. Show less
This study investigates why anti-democratic laws persist in democratic societies, focusing on South Korea's National Security Act (NSA). Enacted in 1948, the NSA restricts freedom of expression and... Show moreThis study investigates why anti-democratic laws persist in democratic societies, focusing on South Korea's National Security Act (NSA). Enacted in 1948, the NSA restricts freedom of expression and movement to deter pro-North Korea behaviour. Despite being at odds with the tenets of liberal democracy, the act remains in place. Existing public opinion data indicates modest to strong support for the law, but measurement concerns leave much to be desired. Using a choice-based conjoint, we test the impact of democratic norms and national security rationales on various policy propositions related to the NSA, including its abolition. Results show widespread support for the Act, driven by both democratic norms and security concerns. Progressives are more likely to support revisions limiting the scope of the Act on the basis that it safeguards democracy, but they agree with conservatives that it should not be abolished. This research contributes to understanding South Korea's post-democratic transition and the balance between national security and democracy more broadly. Show less
This thesis focuses on the political decision-making culture of the Netherlands in the second half of the twentieth century. The dominant view of this culture has been one of compromise cooperation... Show moreThis thesis focuses on the political decision-making culture of the Netherlands in the second half of the twentieth century. The dominant view of this culture has been one of compromise cooperation and consensus. This view is strongly influenced by Lijphart’s 1968 book Politics of Accommodation. Since then, the extent to which this culture of consensus politics may have changed at the elite level is being debated. This study contributes to this debate by studying the parliamentary debates about some of the major socio-economic (social security) and ethico-religious issues (cremation, abortion and euthanasia). These debates have been characterized by studying the informal rules of the political game. Two sets of rules, corresponding to the dichotomy between consensus and majoritarian democracy, were used. An important observation is that the studied issues are difficult to position within the dichotomy of consensus and majoritarian politics. Only a few cases can be included, while most cases do not fall into either category or have characteristics of both. This leads to the main conclusion that the political elites primarily act on the basis of their own political interests, and less with regard to higher normative notions that underlie the concept of consensus politics. Show less
This article analyses democracy in post-communist Croatia 1990-1999 and 2000-2011. During the first decade, political stagnation occurred under a competitive authoritarian regime. This ended... Show moreThis article analyses democracy in post-communist Croatia 1990-1999 and 2000-2011. During the first decade, political stagnation occurred under a competitive authoritarian regime. This ended abruptly and there was a critical juncture, during which a free and fair election marked the start of Croatian democracy in 2000. I first propose a causal chain to explain the election results, suggesting that the occurrence of the election, combined with other necessary factors, revealed the population's underlying preference for democracy. Internally, this preference then served as a positive feedback mechanism throughout Croatia's rapid increase in democracy as it became a candidate for European Union membership and finalized accession negotiations. Externally, the European Union influenced democratic progress, particularly via conditionality policies. This historical comparative analysis aims to explain which factors allowed for a rapid increase in democratic quality, positioning the 2000 election results as the main influence. Show less
This dissertation focuses on the workings of popular national agency in late nineteenth-century Amsterdam and the question in what ways and to what extent ‘ordinary’ citizens constructed and... Show moreThis dissertation focuses on the workings of popular national agency in late nineteenth-century Amsterdam and the question in what ways and to what extent ‘ordinary’ citizens constructed and experienced ‘the Netherlands’ through their urban surroundings. It steers away from a top-down perspective and considers the lower and middle social classes as actual actors in the process of democratising the nation. The argument of the book is centred around five case studies: the popular experience of public monuments and statues; the singing of the national anthem; popular Orangism; the public response to the Boer Wars; and the commercialisation of the nation in an urban context. Show less
Taking a series of popular jokes about fictitious “anti-societies” as its point of departure, this article explores the responses to the transformation of reform in the decade between 1825 and 1835... Show moreTaking a series of popular jokes about fictitious “anti-societies” as its point of departure, this article explores the responses to the transformation of reform in the decade between 1825 and 1835 and places them in the context of social and political change brought about by Jacksonian democracy. Rooted in the tradition of the moral reform society, through specialization of its aims, the anti-society seemed to become a democratic pendant of older reform societies and was thought to play a more divisive role in local communities. Critics denounced the new societies for their prescriptive character, the prominent role women played, and the “spirit of opposition” they triggered. Contemporaries increasingly understood the evolution of reform culture from the relatively harmonious religious and moral reform societies of the Benevolent Empire of the first quarter of the 19th century to the oppositional and highly contested organizations of radical antislavery and temperance of the 1830s as a serious threat to the social order and the future of the United States. Using the Benign Violation Theory of Humor, this article argues that the American reaction to anti-societies suggests that while they were broadly perceived as a threat to the social order from the late 1820s on, this threat was at first understood to be benign, and thus could be laughed off, while from 1833 on, anti-societies were increasingly regarded as a destructive force, and provoked substantial fears that could justify violent responses as an alternative way to reinforce the “normal” order of things. Show less
‘Eendracht maakt macht’, was het devies van de Republiek der Verenigde Nederlanden. Die eendracht, onmisbaar in de geldverslindende strijd tegen Spanje, was niet altijd vanzelfsprekend. Dat... Show more‘Eendracht maakt macht’, was het devies van de Republiek der Verenigde Nederlanden. Die eendracht, onmisbaar in de geldverslindende strijd tegen Spanje, was niet altijd vanzelfsprekend. Dat blijkt uit de rol die Friesland in de eerste decennia van de zeventiende eeuw in het bondgenootschap speelde. Met de Opstand was de Friese Vrijheid herwonnen, vonden de Friezen, en daarom stelden zij hun eigen belangen boven die van de Republiek als geheel. Naast onwil was ook sprake van onmacht, want in geen enkel gewest was de macht zo versnipperd als in Friesland en waren de regenten zo besluiteloos, zeker op het terrein van belastingheffing. Gevolg was dat de bedragen die Friesland schuldig was aan de oorlogskas van de Republiek onaanvaardbaar groot werden. In een ultieme poging het weerspannige gewest tot de orde te roepen stuurden de Staten-Generaal in 1635 de Raad van State naar Leeuwarden. Anderhalf jaar lang heeft de Raad met fluwelen handschoen met daarin een ijzeren vuist geprobeerd de Friezen tot betaling te dwingen. Bestuurlijke hervormingen moesten de losgeslagen politieke cultuur beteugelen om ook in de toekomst werkbare verhoudingen tussen Friesland en zijn bondgenoten te scheppen. Show less
