South Korea is slowly but steadily becoming a country of immigrants. In 1998, there were barely 300,000 foreign residents in South Korea. As of 2018, there were more than 2.3 million. The immigrant... Show moreSouth Korea is slowly but steadily becoming a country of immigrants. In 1998, there were barely 300,000 foreign residents in South Korea. As of 2018, there were more than 2.3 million. The immigrant population has yet to reach 5% of the total population, but it is predicted to rise significantly in the years to come. Despite the increase in newcomers, it is not well understood who native South Koreans prefer as immigrants and why. Are immigrant attitudes motivated by co-ethnic solidarity, or are they primarily based on economic and sociotropic concerns? To isolate attitudes on these crucial questions, this research uses a conjoint experiment that simultaneously tests the influence of seven immigrant attributes in generating support for admission. Our results show that broad sociotropic concerns largely drive attitudes towards immigrants in South Korea, but an immigrant’s origin also matters. Prospective newcomers from culturally similar and higher-status countries who can speak Korean and have clear plans to work are most preferred. The research findings will be relevant to the comparative study of immigration attitudes, as well as to researchers interested in the specifics of the South Korean case. Show less
Taking a series of popular jokes about fictitious “anti-societies” as its point of departure, this article explores the responses to the transformation of reform in the decade between 1825 and 1835... Show moreTaking a series of popular jokes about fictitious “anti-societies” as its point of departure, this article explores the responses to the transformation of reform in the decade between 1825 and 1835 and places them in the context of social and political change brought about by Jacksonian democracy. Rooted in the tradition of the moral reform society, through specialization of its aims, the anti-society seemed to become a democratic pendant of older reform societies and was thought to play a more divisive role in local communities. Critics denounced the new societies for their prescriptive character, the prominent role women played, and the “spirit of opposition” they triggered. Contemporaries increasingly understood the evolution of reform culture from the relatively harmonious religious and moral reform societies of the Benevolent Empire of the first quarter of the 19th century to the oppositional and highly contested organizations of radical antislavery and temperance of the 1830s as a serious threat to the social order and the future of the United States. Using the Benign Violation Theory of Humor, this article argues that the American reaction to anti-societies suggests that while they were broadly perceived as a threat to the social order from the late 1820s on, this threat was at first understood to be benign, and thus could be laughed off, while from 1833 on, anti-societies were increasingly regarded as a destructive force, and provoked substantial fears that could justify violent responses as an alternative way to reinforce the “normal” order of things. Show less
Following the execution of Charles I (1649), the Dutch Republic witnessed an unprecedented output of publications in support of the Stuart monarchy in Britain. Throughout the 1650s, the Stuart... Show moreFollowing the execution of Charles I (1649), the Dutch Republic witnessed an unprecedented output of publications in support of the Stuart monarchy in Britain. Throughout the 1650s, the Stuart cause retained a central position in Dutch political debate. Dutch opinion makers from various ideological backgrounds conspired to create a heterogeneous corpus of texts lamenting the martyred king and extolling his son. Publications questioning this enthusiasm for the English monarchy were extremely rare. Judged by printed publications, the Dutch Republic was a royalist republic in the 1650s. Dutch royalism had various problematic political and religious implications. Why was the royalist cause treated with so much sympathy in a Protestant Republic that was very much akin to the English Republic? Were the Dutch still under the spell of a monarchic culture? Was royalism the result of propaganda campaigns? Answering these and related questions, this study transforms our understanding of early modern British and Dutch political culture by arguing that British and Dutch political discourses were very much intertwined. Show less
