Using a carefully designed series of public goods games, we compare, across monogamous and polygynous households, the willingness of husbands and wives to cooperate to maximize household gains.... Show moreUsing a carefully designed series of public goods games, we compare, across monogamous and polygynous households, the willingness of husbands and wives to cooperate to maximize household gains. Compared to monogamous husbands and wives, polygynous husbands and wives are less cooperative, one with another, and co-wives are least cooperative, one with another. The husbands' and wives' behavior in a corresponding series of inter-household games indicates that these differences cannot be attributed to selection of less cooperative people into polygyny. Finally, behavior in polygynous households is more reciprocal and less apparently altruistic. Show less
While Nigeria has a vibrant press media landscape, freedom of the press is only rated as “partly free” by Freedom House, mostly due to political influences on reporting. Yet the extent to which... Show moreWhile Nigeria has a vibrant press media landscape, freedom of the press is only rated as “partly free” by Freedom House, mostly due to political influences on reporting. Yet the extent to which these influences affect the quality of reporting remains insufficiently investigated. We address this gap by analyzing how three newspapers with different political affiliations report on conflict in the run-up to the 2015 elections. Our analyses indicate that biases in reporting are generally limited, and that while political pressures are real, they are most evident in editorial choices. Show less
This article provides an ethnographic exploration of a new religious movement in Nigeria that often goes by the name ‘Chrislam’. With a particular focus on the Ogbomoso Society of Chrislam, the... Show moreThis article provides an ethnographic exploration of a new religious movement in Nigeria that often goes by the name ‘Chrislam’. With a particular focus on the Ogbomoso Society of Chrislam, the article documents the group’s origins and practices, as well as its public reception. Founded on a claimed vision from God in 2005, the group teaches that Christianity, Islam and African Indigenous Religions come from the same source and should be reunited into a single religious movement. Core to their understanding is what they call ‘a spirit of accommodation’, which provides a divine directive to exceed mere tolerance or coexistence and combine these religions under one roof. With their mission of pursuing unity and commonality while dispelling differences, the group manages to creatively embed multiple complex religious traditions into their belief structures, liturgical practices and ritual ceremonies, in what can be described as a religious bricolage. Despite the group’s intention to promote peace and unity and act as a counterpoint to violent movements such as Boko Haram, the Ogbomoso Society of Chrislam finds itself at the centre of an ongoing debate about the politics of religious bricolage and the resulting cultural limits of acceptable forms of religious entanglements. Show less
This volume in honour of Stephen Ellis is a follow-up to the public presentation of his book on the history of organised crime in Nigeria This Present Darkness (Hurst, 2016) at the University of... Show moreThis volume in honour of Stephen Ellis is a follow-up to the public presentation of his book on the history of organised crime in Nigeria This Present Darkness (Hurst, 2016) at the University of Lagos, Nigeria on 28 October 2016. In addition to four papers, and a book review presented at this colloquium, other contributions about crime in Nigeria have been added, written by Nigerian authors. In July 2015 Stephen died, and he has worked on This Present Darkness almost to his last moments, as a senior researcher of the African Studies Centre in Leiden. This book also contains a tribute to his life and work written by his wife and scholar Gerrie ter Haar. Show less
This study analyses some aspects of the impact of European Union migration policies on ECOWAS, the WestAfrican regional economic integration project, and on the migration policies of three... Show moreThis study analyses some aspects of the impact of European Union migration policies on ECOWAS, the WestAfrican regional economic integration project, and on the migration policies of three countries in the region,Nigeria, Mali, and Niger. The study focuses in particular on the divergent perceptions of the issue in Europeand West Africa. While, from the point of view of decision-makers in Europe, migration from Sub-SaharanAfrica has grown since the early 2000s from a problem into a crisis, in West Africa, it is seen as a new phasein the region’s difficult history of socio-economic development. The study revisits the ways in which the EU’srelations with the region were, and still are shaped by the migration issue; reviews and discusses the migration policies of ECOWAS in context; analyses the parameters of the migration issue area in Nigeria and Mali, emphasising in particular the historical perspective in which they make sense; discusses the ways in which the EU has sought to influence the policies of these countries in this connection; examines the peculiar case of Niger, a ‘transit country’ transformed into an immigration officer for the EU; and reviews and discussesthe implications for the socio-economic progress of the region and of these three countries. In conclusion,the study emphasises that the EU and West African states have a divergent understanding of what is atstake, with the result that dialogue devolves into ineffective initiatives that reflect both the lack of coherenceand the power – in terms of resources – of the EU position. Recommended measures are suggestedthat may help to establish the balance necessary for dialogue and provide a way out of a questionable – ornon-existent - strategy. Show less
Enrolment in both primary and secondary schools has risen substantially over the years, but secondary and tertiary enrolment remains low. The primary student population increased from just under 4... Show moreEnrolment in both primary and secondary schools has risen substantially over the years, but secondary and tertiary enrolment remains low. The primary student population increased from just under 4 million students in 1970 to more than 26 million students in 2013.Similarly, at the secondary level, student numbers increased from a base of approximately 360,000 students in 1970 to 12.5 million students in 2013. Likewise, the tertiary sector recorded an appreciable increase in the numbers of institutions, variety of courses and enrolled students in the same period. Despite these increases, only about half of all primary students continue to the secondary level, and less than 15 percent eventually make it to tertiary level. The seeming lack of employment opportunities and other problems identified in the tertiary sector has contributed to a substantial increase in the number of Nigerian students undertaking tertiary education abroad, with the United Kingdom and the United States emerging as the top two destinations.Unemployment is high, particularly among youth and higher educated students. Despite Nigeria’s natural resource wealth, many Nigerians appear to have been left behind, primarily because of the shortage of employment opportunities. Unemployment is highest among youth and among those with post-secondary education. Agriculture still has the largest share of employment. Trade emerged as the second most important employment sector providing jobs for Nigerians. Though manufacturing ranks third on the list, the proportion employed in this sector has shrunk to half of what it used to be in the preceding decade. One interesting sector is Information and Communication: while providing less than 1% of all jobs, it contributes more to Nigeria’s GDP than manufacturing, due to its high value added.Nigeria is an important area of origin, destination, and transit of migrants in Africa. It is Africa’s most populous country, and a country of high migration turnover. The high immigration rate (1.2 million in 2017) is accompanied by an even higher rate of emigration of Nigerians (1.3 million in 2017), resulting in a negative net migration rate. The Nigerian Government formally adopted a National Policy on Migration and its Implementation Plan in May 2015. This occurred in the backdrop of a growing recognition of the strong links between migration and potentially immense national development benefits for the country. For instance, Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) stated that the inflow of remittances to Nigeria increased dramatically from $2.3 billion in 2004 to $22 billion in 2018; The US, followed by the UK and Cameroon are the top three destinations of Nigerian migrants. In mainland Western Europe, the Netherlands ranks as the fifth destination behind Germany, Italy, Spain and Austria. Noteworthy is the large ‘brain drain’ of Nigeria-trained medical students and health workers as well as academics who appear to be fleeing Nigeria’s struggling tertiary education landscape and unstable labour market prospects. Thousands of them are now gainfully employed in medical jobs abroad, and they tend to prefer the US and the UK to the Netherlands. Show less
La présente étude a pour objet d’analyser certains aspects de l’impact des politiques migratoires de l’Union Européenne sur la CEDEAO, le projet d’intégration économique régionale de l’Afrique de l... Show moreLa présente étude a pour objet d’analyser certains aspects de l’impact des politiques migratoires de l’Union Européenne sur la CEDEAO, le projet d’intégration économique régionale de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, et sur les politiques migratoires de trois pays de la région, à savoir le Nigeria, le Mali et le Niger. Elle s’intéresse en particulier aux perceptions divergentes de cette problématique en Europe et en Afrique de l’Ouest. Alors que pour les responsables européens, la migration en provenance d’Afrique subsaharienne s’est transformée depuis le début des années 2000 de simple problème en véritable crise, en Afrique de l’Ouest, elle n’est vue que comme une nouvelle phase dans l’histoire du difficile développement socioéconomique de la région. Cette étude reviendra sur la façon dont les relations qu’entretient l’UE avec l’Afrique de l’Ouest ont été et continuent d’être façonnées par la question migratoire, puis examinera et discutera des politiques migratoires de la CEDEAO dans ce contexte, analysera les paramètres de la question migratoire au Nigeria et au Mali, en insistant tout particulièrement sur la perspective historique dans laquelle ils s’inscrivent, discutera de la façon dont l’UE a cherché à influencer les politiques de ces pays dans ce domaine, examinera le cas particulier du Niger, ‘pays de transit’ devenu agent de l’immigration de l’UE, puis examinera et discutera des implications pour le développement socioéconomique de la région en général, et de ces trois pays en particulier. En conclusion, nous verrons que l’UE et les Etats d’Afrique de l’Ouest ayant une vision divergente des enjeux, tout dialogue ne peut produire que des initiatives inefficaces qui reflètent à la fois le manque de cohérence mais aussi la suprématie – en termes de ressources – de la position européenne. Des mesures seront également proposées afin d’aider à rétablir l’équilibre nécessaire à un dialogue et offrir un moyen de sortir d’une stratégie contestable - voire inexistante. Show less
The majority (80%) of e-waste generated globally are recycled informally in developing countries. Informal recycling involves the use of crude methods (such as open burning, dismantling, and repair... Show moreThe majority (80%) of e-waste generated globally are recycled informally in developing countries. Informal recycling involves the use of crude methods (such as open burning, dismantling, and repair) to recover valuable materials without adequate precaution to health and the environment, thus hazardous e-waste chemicals are released into the environment. However, informal e-waste recycling has offered employment opportunities, access to affordable electronic devices, and conversation of natural resources. Informal e-waste recycling is prevalent in developing countries due to lack of infrastructure for e-waste recycling and weak enforcement of the legislation. This research investigates the current impact of informal e-waste recycling in Nigeria as a case study. This may offer opportunities for appropriate e-waste recycling management strategies suited for low resource settings to reduce the environmental and health effects of unsafe e-waste recycling. This research revealed high levels of both organic and inorganic chemicals at the e-waste sites in this order: Burning > Dismantling > Repair > Control sites. There is low health risk awareness, high injury prevalence, and exposure to both cancer and non-cancer risks among e-waste workers. Recommendations were: 1.Public education on the dangers of informal e-waste recycling 2.Banning of open burning of e-waste 3.Further toxicological studies the workers. Show less
This paper critiques the emergence of Dangote Cement as the dominant player in cement manufacturing in Nigeria. It argues that the changed economic environment General Obasanjo met when he became... Show moreThis paper critiques the emergence of Dangote Cement as the dominant player in cement manufacturing in Nigeria. It argues that the changed economic environment General Obasanjo met when he became president of Nigeria for a second time in 1999 made it difficult for him to continue the nationalisation policies and the expansion of government involvement in several spheres of economic activity that he helped to promote in the 1970s. The realisation that this strategy, which created numerous crony capitalists, was unsustainable resulted in Obasanjo allying with Dangote and promulgating the Backward Integration Programme (BIP) for the local cement industry. This made it possible for Dangote to risk aggressive investment in the capital-intensive cement production business. This strategy achieved public good by rapidly making Nigeria, an oil rent- and import-dependent economy with enormous limestone reserves, self-sufficient in cement production. Show less
This study assessed the factors influencing the acquisition and deployment of technical facilities for maternal healthcare delivery in Osun State. A two-stage probability sampling procedure was... Show moreThis study assessed the factors influencing the acquisition and deployment of technical facilities for maternal healthcare delivery in Osun State. A two-stage probability sampling procedure was employed to select two Local Government Areas (LGAs) from each of the three Senatorial districts of the study area. The state hospitals in each of the selected LGAs and all the tertiary hospitals in the study site were selected for the study. A total of 112 respondents (14.3%, 28.6% and 57.1% from Ede, Osun East and Ife/Ijesa senatorial districts respectively) from seven health facilities were surveyed. Data were obtained through primary and secondary sources in both secondary and tertiary health facilities. The study revealed that the factors influencing acquisition include the need and demand for a particular technical facility, increase in the number of equipment, damages to existing ones, availability of funds as well as the disposition of management authority towards the demands. Also, the deployment of these technical facilities in the various maternal healthcare units of the health facility depends on the areas of needs. Therefore, the study concluded that acquisition of technical facilities should be quickly attended to in order to shorten the purchase and installation process. Also a system of preventive maintenance, where maintenance of equipment will be done at a fixed and predetermined interval usually fixed by hours-of-operation was preferable. Show less
The date 6 July 2017 marks the 50th anniversary of the war considered as one of the worst in recent human history, the Nigeria-Biafra war. My paper focuses on the representation of this war in... Show moreThe date 6 July 2017 marks the 50th anniversary of the war considered as one of the worst in recent human history, the Nigeria-Biafra war. My paper focuses on the representation of this war in popular culture – with an emphasis on film, fictional and non-fictional literature. It interrogates the role that fictional and non-fictional narration play in the collective and individual memory of Nigerians in general and the Igbos in particular. It also looks at the link between the depiction of the war in popular culture and the renewed agitation for the nationhood of Biafra, as since the 2000s, there has been renewed campaigning by young people of Igbo ethnicity for the creation of the Republic of Biafra. This research particularly concentrates on two organizations that are involved in this struggle: the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) and the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). It is my position that popular culture constitutes important material for the study and understanding of historical events and periods of time, while it also enhances our understanding of the ways in which these past events may have an influence in the present. Show less
This paper critiques the emergence of Dangote Cement as the dominant player in cement manufacturing in Nigeria. It argues that the changed economic environment General Obasanjo met when he became... Show moreThis paper critiques the emergence of Dangote Cement as the dominant player in cement manufacturing in Nigeria. It argues that the changed economic environment General Obasanjo met when he became president of Nigeria for a second time in 1999 made it difficult for him to continue the nationalisation policies and the expansion of government involvement in several spheres of economic activity that he helped to promote in the 1970s. The realisation that this strategy, which created numerous crony capitalists, was unsustainable resulted in Obasanjo allying with Dangote and promulgating the Backward Integration Programme (BIP) for the local cement industry. This made it possible for Dangote to risk aggressive investment in the capital-intensive cement production business. This strategy achieved public good by rapidly making Nigeria, an oil rent- and import-dependent economy with enormous limestone reserves, self-sufficient in cement production. Show less
Why would the citizens of an oil-producing state continually resist reform-induced petrol price increases, even when subsidy payments are proved to be a serious threat to the capacity of the state... Show moreWhy would the citizens of an oil-producing state continually resist reform-induced petrol price increases, even when subsidy payments are proved to be a serious threat to the capacity of the state to deliver its core constitutional mandates? In this paper, we tackle this question by contending that the difficulty in petrol subsidy implementation in a country like Nigeria has more to do with the clear lack of state legitimacy and public trust, and the recorded cases of political instability entrenched by forced attempts at reforms. By contextualizing the reform efforts in Nigeria within the framework of the relationship between state legitimacy and reforms, we are able to provide valid insights to a broader understanding of the “whys” of public resistance to the authority of the state to enforce reform. The Nigerian case, as revealed in this article, provides evidence of a shift in paradigm from the conventional and dominant Weberian emphasis of state legitimacy around the nature and sources of state authorities to a more functional context of citizens’ perception of the governance process as a source of legitimacy. Show less
This paper examines the historical context of census-taking and its importance to development trajectory of Nigeria from 1866 to 2006. Secondary data obtained from five-year national development... Show moreThis paper examines the historical context of census-taking and its importance to development trajectory of Nigeria from 1866 to 2006. Secondary data obtained from five-year national development plans, archival records, in-depth interviews and extant demographic literature were used to determine how population census exercises has evolved in a 140-year period, the problem of counting Nigerians living in Nigeria, and the politics of using population as a yardstick for distributing national wealth. The study shows that nearly all censuses were found to be grossly inadequate, tradition of conducting censuses every ten years has not taken root in Nigeria, and colonial administration as well as post-independence governments grappled with politics of numbers for socio-economic development planning. Despite flaws, the 1991 census remains relatively acceptable amidst fifteen complete and incomplete censuses ever taken in Nigeria in the period under study. Show less
This article analyses the role of religious leaders in collective violence in Kano, the major urban centre in northern Nigeria. It compares two episodes of collective action in the city—the violent... Show moreThis article analyses the role of religious leaders in collective violence in Kano, the major urban centre in northern Nigeria. It compares two episodes of collective action in the city—the violent ‘Plateau riots’ in 2004 and the non-violent ‘cartoon protests’ in 2006—to explore the role of religious leaders in the variation in violence between the two events. The core argument is that the ways in which Islamic and Christian preachers framed the triggering events for these cases facilitated different forms of mobilisation and enemy identification in response. In 2004, the interpretation of violence in Plateau State through the ‘Christians-versus-Muslims’ frame allowed for mobilisation within Kano’s Christian and Muslim communities as well as for the identification of local Christians as enemies. In 2006, in contrast, the infamous Danish cartoons were actively framed as part of the global struggle between faithful Nigerians and nonreligious Westerners, facilitating non-violent mobilisation across Christian-Muslim boundaries. Thus, the divergent discursive strategies employed by religious leaders are likely to have contributed to violent escalation in 2004 and to peaceful mobilisation in 2006. At the same time, however, the article emphasises the interaction of discursive framing with other factors, such as the role of security forces and the inextricable connections between religious and political authorities in Kano. The article is based on mixed-methods data collected in Kano between 2006 and 2012, including perceptions survey data, semi-structured interviews, and newspaper articles. Show less
This paper critiques the rise of Dangote Cement plc to become the dominant player in the Nigerian cement industry. Although the close relationship between the company's founder, Aliko Dangote, and... Show moreThis paper critiques the rise of Dangote Cement plc to become the dominant player in the Nigerian cement industry. Although the close relationship between the company's founder, Aliko Dangote, and subsequent Nigerian governments has been an important factor in this success story, we argue that it is not the only explanatory variable. Dangote's entrepreneurial skills and understanding of the Nigerian political and economic environment enabled him to proactively predict and exploit the rapid increase in demand for cement in the country. The reluctance of most multinational cement companies to increase their investments in Nigeria - a consequence of the ever increasing international scrutiny of business ethics especially in corruption prone countries - also helped reduce the competition and investment risks for Dangote Cement. Show less
