The aim of this chapter is to contribute to the debate on deconstructing the gender binary, toexplore notions of experiencing shame and violence, and also to identify key points of self-concept... Show moreThe aim of this chapter is to contribute to the debate on deconstructing the gender binary, toexplore notions of experiencing shame and violence, and also to identify key points of self-concept ingenderqueer people, by running a survey in three different countries: Greece, the UK and the Netherlands.The survey is the first to explore the impact of this gender- binary discourse and the experience of shameand violence within this frame, within the genderaqueer community in a comparative perspective. Thechapter contributes to the debate on perceptions of masculinity and femininity in association with shameand violence, while reconnoitring the role of culture as a driver of these perceptions and how that role leadsto the re-evaluation of the self along with the sense and impact of shame as a relational process with the self and the society. The survey approaches shame and violence, not only in terms of how they are perceived by the genderqueer community, but also of how they are expressed, e.g. in a passive way (directed violence against a person) or active way (person as actor engaging in violent behaviour) in everyday life. The application of different perspectives on confronting the binary, power and shame provides a critical take on the gender-based debate and on the crux of self-concept and identifies breaks with existing thinking and practice that are essential to any reform of gender recognition policy. Show less
The process of agenda setting is fundamental to politics, yet there is surprisingly little research about this process in parliamentary systems. The reason for this lacuna is that agenda setting... Show moreThe process of agenda setting is fundamental to politics, yet there is surprisingly little research about this process in parliamentary systems. The reason for this lacuna is that agenda setting tends to occur behind closed doors. The Dutch Tweede Kamer is an exception to this rule: decisions about the parliamentary agenda are made in public. This study examines agenda setting in the Dutch parliament from an issue-competition perspective. It looks at a sample of more than 400 agenda-setting meetings of the Dutch parliament between 1998 and 2017. It finds that opposition parties which stand far from the government make proposals on issues that they ‘own’; these proposals are supported by other opposition parties, parties that stand close to them and focus on the same issue. Coalition parties and parties that stand far away sabotage these proposals. Show less
Approximately 2.5% of the electorate in the Netherlands is member of a political party. This modestly sized group plays an important role in representative democracies: members are part of the... Show moreApproximately 2.5% of the electorate in the Netherlands is member of a political party. This modestly sized group plays an important role in representative democracies: members are part of the electorate and of their party and function as intermediaries between voters and elected officials. There is, however, debate as to the role of party members. The impression exists that members of the same party are internally divided over important political issues, that it is largely impossible to distinguish between members of different parties substantively, and that members differ in terms of views and backgrounds, and thereby drive a wedge between voters and elected officials. Based on the Leyden Party Member Survey, this study investigates how internally cohesive, externally different and representative in terms of membership Dutch parties are. This study's findings suggest, at least for the Netherlands, that the view that party members are obstacles is factually incorrect. In general, party members are internally quite cohesive and adopt a shared, substantive position that differentiates from the position of members of other parties. Although their demographic profile deviates, members' substantive views are congruent with those of the voters and MPs of their party. Show less
What shaped the defense transformation policies of NATO member-states? And what does it mean for the future of the alliance? This dissertation explores the impact of the strategic cultures of the... Show moreWhat shaped the defense transformation policies of NATO member-states? And what does it mean for the future of the alliance? This dissertation explores the impact of the strategic cultures of the United States, the Netherlands and Germany on their efforts to adapt their defense policies and armed forces in light of significant changes in the security environment. Transformation was the central concept around which the Alliance was believed to find renewed cohesion. Instead, transformation in an era of expeditionary operations unearthed divergent views regarding the use of the military instrument. Each state pursued transformation differently and confronted different problems. These difficulties reflected the unique characteristics of their strategic culture. On the basis of the research it can be concluded that effective transformation can only take place when the characteristics of a state's strategic culture are taken into account. For NATO, it means that, unless the security environment changes substantially, friction within the alliance will persist and instead it will be necessary to work with these differences, rather than ignore them at its peril. Show less
