There seems to be an irreconcilable gap between the Dutch state and its Muslim inhabitants. This impression is transforming into an increasingly popular standpoint, not only in politics and the... Show moreThere seems to be an irreconcilable gap between the Dutch state and its Muslim inhabitants. This impression is transforming into an increasingly popular standpoint, not only in politics and the media but also among legal philosophers, historians, and jurists. As the mantra that supports the apparent gap, what tends to be singled out is the principle of the separation of church and state. This separation is allegedly alien to Islam, and therefore Islam is irreconcilable with the idea of a constitutional state. The mantra appears to be a common-knowledge fact, for which reason any substantiation and explanations are casually dropped out, but wrongfully so. Show less
The contributions to this volume commemorating three hundred years of diplomatic relations between Ghana and the Netherlands are grouped under three headings - merchants and merchandise,... Show moreThe contributions to this volume commemorating three hundred years of diplomatic relations between Ghana and the Netherlands are grouped under three headings - merchants and merchandise, missionaries, and voluntary and involuntary migrants - reflecting the three most important areas of contact between Dutch and Ghanaians over the centuries. The first part opens with a paper on a mission carried out in 1701-1702 by David van Nyendael, envoy of the Dutch West India Company (WIC), to Kumasi, which forms the starting point for the tercentenary celebrations. It also includes papers on the slave trade, the cocoa trade, and the role of Dutch 'schnapps' in Ghanaian ritual. The contributions on missionary activity deal with the tragic life of Jacobus Capitein (1717-1747), the first black minister stationed in Elmina, and the significance of Pentecostal churches for Ghanaians in the present-day Netherlands. The contributions on migration include stories of individual people who migrated back and forth between the Netherlands and Ghana, such as two Euro-African women from Elmina, as well as chapters on the Ghanaian diaspora, covering Suriname, Indonesia and the Netherlands. The contributions are by Ineke van Kessel, Michel R. Doortmont, Akosua Perbi, Henk den Heijer, Emmanuel Akyeampong, Victor K. Nyanteng, Henri van der Zee, David N.A. Kpobi, Rijk van Dijk, Natalie Everts, Jean Jacques Vrij, Andr‚ R.M. Pakosie, Endri Kusruri and Daniel Kojo Arhinful Show less
The discussion about the position of religious leaders was already ongoing in the Netherlands before 11 September. After the attacks on the US, relations between Muslims and non-Muslims came under... Show moreThe discussion about the position of religious leaders was already ongoing in the Netherlands before 11 September. After the attacks on the US, relations between Muslims and non-Muslims came under further pressure. The media, followed by the Dutch government and social organizations, began assiduously looking for the representatives and the spokespeople of the Muslims. The result was the rolling of Rolodexes with outdated or randomly gathered contacts. Show less
Almost ten years ago to the day I gave a talk at SCOLMA's 1992 annual general meeting on African documentation in the Netherlands, and possibilities for European cooperation. My talk focused on... Show moreAlmost ten years ago to the day I gave a talk at SCOLMA's 1992 annual general meeting on African documentation in the Netherlands, and possibilities for European cooperation. My talk focused on the Afrika-Studiecentrum (ASC) in Leiden and the work of the Library and Documentation Department. This talk, too, will focus on the Afrika-Studiecentrum. As the only research and documentation centre in the Netherlands devoted exclusively to Africa, the Afrika-Studiecentrum plays a pivotal role in Dutch African Studies and, as in 1992, I happen to work there, so it is what I know best. I would like to tell you something about the Afrika Studiecentrum's origins and objectives, its research programme and the work of the Library, Documentation and Information Department. I will say a bit about the library collection and acquisitions policy and go into somewhat more detail on a number of the activities we have undertaken over the past years to facilitate national and international access to African Studies resources, through the development of the ASC OPAC, through partnerships with commercial publishers, and through cooperation with other Africana libraries and documentation services. However, before moving on to talk about the ASC, I would first briefly like to describe a few of the other collections on Africa which exist in the Netherlands. This is no more than a quick bird's-eye view and is no way meant to be comprehensive. Show less
This chapter demonstrates how Ghanaian migrants in the Netherlands look to the Pentecostal Church for the deconstruction of Ghanaian traditions in favour of international mobility. The Pentecostal... Show moreThis chapter demonstrates how Ghanaian migrants in the Netherlands look to the Pentecostal Church for the deconstruction of Ghanaian traditions in favour of international mobility. The Pentecostal Church strongly identifies and propagates notions of individualism and the nuclear family. In this way traditional matrilineal social organization is displaced by more Western-style conjugality mediated by Pentecostalist beliefs. The author argues that the appeal of Pentecostalism is based on the opportunities it provides for bringing kinship obligations under the supervision of its individual members. Pentecostalism reformulates the hierarchical and obligatory gift-giving system upon which kinship relations are based. It subjects reciprocity to moral supervision while making it thoroughly multilocal. his is of particular significance in the diaspora where many migrants see themselves faced with the obligation to send money to relatives living n Ghana and elsewhere. Show less
Although Ghanaians have formed a substantial immigrant community in the Netherlands for decades, the relationship between the Dutch State and the Ghanaian community remains tense. Not only is... Show moreAlthough Ghanaians have formed a substantial immigrant community in the Netherlands for decades, the relationship between the Dutch State and the Ghanaian community remains tense. Not only is Ghanaian life in the Netherlands generally marked by a high level of suspicion with regard to the Dutch State, but the community itself has long taken over certain functions that are otherwise provided by the State. This chapter explores the dimensions of this tense relationship. It pays specific attention to the many Ghanaian churches that have emerged in the Netherlands and the role they play in the creation of a notion of self-reliance and self-esteem. There is some evidence to suggest that religious structures in Ghana have a history of antagonism with regard to State policies. This feature seems to have been carried over into the Netherlands. The Ghanaian churches do not take part in the formal contacts between the government and Ghanaian interest groups, and hardly take part in the formal structures of Dutch religious life. The moral authority they represent within the Ghanaian community is a distinctive one. The chapter first examines aspects of Ghanaian immigration, before focusing on the position of Ghanaian churches in the migrant community. Bibliogr Show less
A few weeks ago, I attended a religious wedding in the Netherlands. A Moroccan imam concluded a marriage between a Muslim man and a non-Muslim Dutch woman - a widow with two grown-up sons. Ten... Show moreA few weeks ago, I attended a religious wedding in the Netherlands. A Moroccan imam concluded a marriage between a Muslim man and a non-Muslim Dutch woman - a widow with two grown-up sons. Ten people attended the ceremony: the intending couple, the imam and two members of a local mosque, the woman's two sons, and three female friends. The event epitomized in many ways what it means to live in a migrational situation where many religious facilities that can be taken for granted in Muslim majority countries must be reconstructed. Show less
Between 1831 and 1872 some 3,000 African recruits sailed from Elmina (Gold Coast, now Ghana) to Batavia, the capital of the Netherlands East Indies. They had been recruited to serve in the Dutch... Show moreBetween 1831 and 1872 some 3,000 African recruits sailed from Elmina (Gold Coast, now Ghana) to Batavia, the capital of the Netherlands East Indies. They had been recruited to serve in the Dutch colonial army, which throughout most of the 19th century experienced a chronic shortage of European manpower. The Africans counted as part of the European contingent of the army. After expiry of their contracts, some Africans returned to the Gold Coast, while others opted to settle in the East Indies. They became the founding fathers of the Indo-African communities in the Javanese towns of Purworedjo, Semarang, Salatiga and Solo. On Java, the African soldiers and their descendants became known as 'Belanda Hitam' - black Dutchmen. This chapter outlines the background to the recruitment of Africans for the Dutch colonial army and describes three phases in the recruitment process: a slow start (1831-1836), a massive influx (1837-1841), and smaller-scale recruitment from the late 1850s onwards. After Indonesia's independence in 1949, most Indo-Africans opted for repatriation to the Netherlands. Bibliogr., ref Show less
The first political murder in its democratic history shocked the Netherlands to the core. One week before the parliamentary elections, planned for 15 May 2002, the publicist and politician Pim... Show moreThe first political murder in its democratic history shocked the Netherlands to the core. One week before the parliamentary elections, planned for 15 May 2002, the publicist and politician Pim Fortuyn, branded by the American and British press as the maverick of Dutch politics, was shot dead as he was leaving a radio station in Hilversum. A dramatic end for a politician who relied on the theatrical and strong statements on migrants, in particular Muslims. Show less
In the Netherlands and in other Western countries one finds a hostile image of Islam. Only recently we saw this image influencing the panicky reactions to the terrorist attacks on the USA by Arab... Show moreIn the Netherlands and in other Western countries one finds a hostile image of Islam. Only recently we saw this image influencing the panicky reactions to the terrorist attacks on the USA by Arab Muslims. With great speed this attack was connected to statements of a general nature on the essence of Islam and of Muslims. Dutch politicians and Islam scholars spoke in public about the age-old frustration of Muslims that was presumed to be the background of this attack. Almost immediately the question of the loyalty of Muslim immigrants to the Dutch state and to Dutch norms and values emerged in public debate. Opinion polls showed quickly how fickle that loyalty is and how methodologically shaky opinion polls are. This was followed by attacks on mosques and Islamic schools. The urgency of a more sophisticated analysis of the relationship between the Netherlands and Islam is self-evident. Show less
