This is a review essay of K. Zanou's book Transnational Patriotism in the Mediterranean, 1800-1850. Another, shorter version of this review essay in Greek was published by Χάρτης magazine in May... Show moreThis is a review essay of K. Zanou's book Transnational Patriotism in the Mediterranean, 1800-1850. Another, shorter version of this review essay in Greek was published by Χάρτης magazine in May 2023. It was one of four contributions to a roundtable discussion in Piraeus organized in January 2023 by the Aikaterini Laskaridis Foundation on the occasion of the publication of the Greek translation of Zanou’s book, Τραυλίζοντας το Έθνος. Διεθνικός Πατριωτισμός στη Μεσόγειο, 1800-1850. Show less
The Republic of Turkey was founded a hundred years ago on 29 October 1923. Turkey holds a unique position between Europe and the Middle East. It continues to captivate international attention,... Show moreThe Republic of Turkey was founded a hundred years ago on 29 October 1923. Turkey holds a unique position between Europe and the Middle East. It continues to captivate international attention, evoking hopes and fears in the hearts and minds of contemporary observers. As a critical commemoration of its centenary, this book presents a mosaic of one hundred carefully curated fragments by expert authors, shedding light on politics, economy, society, culture, gender, and arts in a hundred years of Turkey. Each fragment offers a glimpse into a specific aspect of Turkey’s development, revealing the complexities of Turkey’s historical reality. Through exhibiting a diverse range of historical sources like laws, speeches, essays, letters, newspaper articles, poems, songs, memoirs, photos, posters, maps, and diagrams, each fragment brings the voices and images of Turkey’s past and present to readers. A Hundred Years of Republican Turkey: A History in a Hundred Fragments is an invaluable resource for researchers, educators, students, and anyone interested in Turkey’s fascinating history since 1923. Show less
"Indianisatie" was de term waarmee in het interbellum de opkomst van Indonesiers in de lagere middenrangen van gouvernement en westers bedrijfsleven werd beschreven. Deze Indonesiers wisten zich... Show more"Indianisatie" was de term waarmee in het interbellum de opkomst van Indonesiers in de lagere middenrangen van gouvernement en westers bedrijfsleven werd beschreven. Deze Indonesiers wisten zich met beperkte westerse opleiding op te werken binnen bedrijven en Europese vakbonden, die door de krappe arbeidsmarkt van hen afhankelijk werden. In de vakbondsbladen van onder meer de Indische Post lieten zij hun stem horen. Toen de Indische regering tijdens de grote crisis deze indianisatie zowel als natuurlijke ontwikkeling en als bezuiniging presenteerde, barstte een ongekend felle discussie los tussen de fracties in de raad. In deze discussie bleek hoezeer het rassencriterium, hoewel officieel passe, in praktijk het Nederlandse sociale beleid in de kolonie nog vorm gaf. Conservatieve Indonesische Volksraadsleden, onder meer van het Inlands Binnenlands bestuur, raakten gaande de discussie doordrongen van het feit, dat het indianisatiebeleid van de Indische regering blijvend te kort schoot. Met de nationalistische fractie in de Volksraad gingen zij indianisatie zien als opstap naar het grote bestuurshervormingswerk waarvan zij voor Indonesie hoopten dat het met rasse schreden zou naderen. Show less
Hong Kong's protest movements have created a repertoire of symbolism in artworks and artefacts that make statements about the political status of the city. This article analyses the protest art... Show moreHong Kong's protest movements have created a repertoire of symbolism in artworks and artefacts that make statements about the political status of the city. This article analyses the protest art that emerged during the 2019 anti-extradition protests. We explore how actors produced a sense of “Hong Kong-ness” and distributed political meanings through networked agitprop: a form of strategic communication that links people and ideas together in both physical and digital contexts, through emotional appeals in the service of a grassroots political programme. By analysing examples of such agitprop, we show how the movement organically constructed networks of meaning to promote its ideas of people, nation, and even independence. However, we also find that the commitment to nationalist frames of reference ultimately prevents such art from re-imaging Hong Kong outside the confines of nations and that it even inadvertently reproduces the systems of power it ostensibly sets out to challenge. Show less
This article is based on a panel discussion around the notion of national literature, organized at the Aikaterini Laskaridis Foundation (Piraeus, Greece) on the occasion of the publication of the... Show moreThis article is based on a panel discussion around the notion of national literature, organized at the Aikaterini Laskaridis Foundation (Piraeus, Greece) on the occasion of the publication of the Greek translation of Konstantina Zanou's book Transnational Patriotism in the Mediterranean, 1800–1850: Stammering the Nation. This paper along with the papers by the 3 other panelists, Karen Emmerich, Vassilis Lambropoulos, and Konstantina Zanou, which all responded to Zanou's book, were published in the literary magazine Χάρτης [Chartis] under the heading "Τι ήταν ο Συγγραφέας πριν γίνει Έλληνας και η Λογοτεχνία πριν γίνει Εθνική;" ["What was the author before they became Greek and Literature before it became National"]. Show less
Youth literature of the Meiji period (1868–1912) has been portrayed as moralistic and unable to overcome premodern literary styles and tropes. However, in this article I show how this literature... Show moreYouth literature of the Meiji period (1868–1912) has been portrayed as moralistic and unable to overcome premodern literary styles and tropes. However, in this article I show how this literature was transformative and functioned as an arena within which literary writers and the government contended for the minds of young Japanese citizens. I reexamine the early development of the genre of youth literature in Japan through the lens of Juri Lotman’s theory of cultural memory. In Lotman’s spatial model of culture, or semiosphere, foreign concepts travel from the periphery to the centre of a given cultural (sub)sphere through an amalgamation with established texts, in a process of ‘creative memory’. This process, I argue, is reflected in the serialized adaptations of premodern warrior legends by the pioneering author Iwaya Sazanami (1870–1933), in which he explores the conventions of nineteenth-century youth literature from the West. Recognizing the new genre’s deep connection to citizenship, he shaped his protagonists into exemplary boys who display wanpaku (spirited) dispositions, in opposition to the moralism and ‘narrow-minded nationalism’ imparted at home and in schools. As a mediator between premodern and modern concepts and modes of text production, Meiji youth literature thus offered adults a way to develop modern identities. Show less
This volume is the first of its kind in offering a history of hundred years of Republican history through expert introductions to 100 sources on various themes of politics, economy, society,... Show moreThis volume is the first of its kind in offering a history of hundred years of Republican history through expert introductions to 100 sources on various themes of politics, economy, society, culture, gender, and arts. In doing so, this project will not only tell a truly multi-facetted history under the guidance of prominent and promising scholars of Turkish Studies, but will also allow its readers to hear voices and see images of a fascinating Republican past. Show less
This chapter proposes a typology of the architecture of national pavilions. The current architectural classification is not very suitable because it highlights the supposedly unique, national... Show moreThis chapter proposes a typology of the architecture of national pavilions. The current architectural classification is not very suitable because it highlights the supposedly unique, national character of most pavilions. For a comparative analysis of the way in which the nation was represented two factors are crucial. Was the pavilion inspired by buildings pertaining to high culture – such as temples and palaces – or does it refer to “low” culture – such as vernacular buildings or commercial structures? Another axis is the opposition between a universalist language (timeless classicism or a future-oriented functionalist style) and national particularism (which could be expressed by focusing on characteristic features). By thus defining four different options for national pavilions a number of global trends can be mapped. Around 1900, the emphasis on high culture – expressed in a dominant role for classicist and historicist pavilions – was replaced by a growing influence of popular culture – both in the form of festive, commercial structures and neo-vernacular buildings. Another clear shift is the rapid advance of architectural modernism in the late 1920s. Moreover, the typology shows that transnational influences are crucial to understand the decision-making process concerning the construction of national pavilions. First, global architectural trends heavily influenced how each participating country aimed to position itself. Second, the definition of each country’s national heritage was largely determined by a transnational public. World fairs induced a quest for the extraordinary; quaint and striking buildings became a central aspect of the nation’s heritage everywhere. Show less
Refugees’ effect on domestic terrorism is conditioned by host-country social perception (attitude about living next-door to foreigners) and economic competition. These hypotheses are tested cross... Show moreRefugees’ effect on domestic terrorism is conditioned by host-country social perception (attitude about living next-door to foreigners) and economic competition. These hypotheses are tested cross-nationally from 1995-2014 leveraging data from the World Values Survey. The results show social perception matters. When refugee flow to a country increases from the mean to 75th percentile, it does not statistically alter domestic terrorism risk. But when a host-country’s preference to not live next-door to foreigners is accounted for and changes from the mean (20.9%) to 75th percentile (30.3%), the change in refugee flow increases the risk of domestic terrorism by 40%. Show less
In the art world of the late 18th. and the entire 19th. century, there appeared to have been a widespread notion of sea painting as a bearer of national pride. An idea that was directly related to... Show moreIn the art world of the late 18th. and the entire 19th. century, there appeared to have been a widespread notion of sea painting as a bearer of national pride. An idea that was directly related to the economic prosperity of the 17th-century Republic, which stemmed from the shipping industry of the time. An impression emerged of how the interaction between art and society can take shape. The role of sea painting within 19th. century nationalism was a striking aspect, but the effect that the label of a national genre had on its practice and appreciation also stood out. Sea painters started to work with it and art critics included it in their judgements. For a long time, traditional style criteria were maintained; the 17 th. century was never far away in many respects.This led to a framing of sea painting in an artistic tradition, which resulted in a certain inability to keep up with innovations in painting. The love of the ship and the specialist nautical knowledge of the sea painters were for a long time a unique quality, but they ultimately proved to be their Achilles' heel. When at the end of the 19th century the artistic tradition of the 17th-century Dutch school was definitively broken, sea painting disappeared from the canon of the visual arts. Show less
When the COVID-19 virus broke out in China, foreign observers speculated whether the Chinese leadership was facing its ‘Chernobyl Moment’. China’s leadership, however, defied foreign expectations... Show moreWhen the COVID-19 virus broke out in China, foreign observers speculated whether the Chinese leadership was facing its ‘Chernobyl Moment’. China’s leadership, however, defied foreign expectations about its ostensibly floundering legitimacy and instead turned the crisis into a national success story. This article explores the role that digital media played in cementing this success, specifically how various actors mobilized nationalist sentiments and discourses on the online video-sharing platform Bilibili. By focusing on visual discourses, online commentaries, and the affordances of the digital platform, the article analyses the role that ‘hip’ and youthful content played in the authorities’ attempts to guiding online audiences to rally around the flag. The results of these efforts were viral villages of community sentiment that created strong incentives for conformity, and in which the official party line was able to reverberate with pop-culture memes and popular nationalism. Show less
This article explores how competing actors established, spread, and challenged visual representations of the Chinese nation during the COVID-19 pandemic. It asks: how do official gatekeepers of... Show moreThis article explores how competing actors established, spread, and challenged visual representations of the Chinese nation during the COVID-19 pandemic. It asks: how do official gatekeepers of meaning in China imbue their visual construction of a crisis-hit nation with pathos?; and what happens when their critics utilize the resulting repertoire of visual cues for their own ends? To answer these questions, the article first examines the visual libraries of nationalism and national crisis from which Chinese propaganda drew during the COVID-19 outbreak. It then analyses the struggles that ensued over such representations, specifically the use of national flags and the sentiments they elicit. The analysis traces representations of the flag of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) from an initial satirical portrayal in a Danish broadsheet to the angry Chinese backlashes that followed on social media, and it shows how the tensions over such portrayals became part of a meme war over the sovereignty of Hong Kong. The analysis shows how representations of the nation can become a matter of existential anxieties during a time of crisis, especially in highly networked communication environments where authoritative official actors and their supporters are no longer in control of the symbols they established as part of their ‘emotional governance’. Show less
This dissertation examines how the Serbs as a nation deal with the past through the prism of the 1915 Serbian Army retreat across Montenegro and Albania in the wake of the invasion of Serbia in... Show moreThis dissertation examines how the Serbs as a nation deal with the past through the prism of the 1915 Serbian Army retreat across Montenegro and Albania in the wake of the invasion of Serbia in October 1915. We investigate the remembrance of this iconic event as a symptom of Serbian mythologized self-perception. The Retreat today is a canonised memory symbolising Serbian heroism and sacrifice. The First World War and the Retreat are experienced as specific and personal. Any attempted introduction of alternative views of the Serbian role in the First World War are rejected as hostile revisionism. The Serbian government has used the centenary commemorations to distract the Serbian public from the more recent unexamined past — Serbia’s role in the wars of the Yugoslav succession of the 1990s. This commemorative opportunism has been termed in the thesis as historical frame switching —framing current political events within arguably irrelevant historical contexts mostly in order to present an image of biased and unjust treatment of Serbs by the West. Further, politically loaded commemorations are analysed alongside grassroot events and ceremonies that memorialise the War and the Retreat. The latter are recognised as fictive kinships of remembrance, as previously characterised by Jay Winter. Show less
Before 1936, musical practices in Palestine relied heavily on colloquial poetry, especially in rural communities, which constituted most of the population. During the first half of the twentieth... Show moreBefore 1936, musical practices in Palestine relied heavily on colloquial poetry, especially in rural communities, which constituted most of the population. During the first half of the twentieth century, Palestinian music evolved as a reflection of the social, cultural, and political evolution of Palestinians. Palestinian music-making evolved exponentially resulting in the expansion of various folk tunes into shaʿbī songs, the creation of the Palestinian qaṣīda song genre, new compositions of instrumental music for traditional and Western music formations, the establishment of choirs and children music programing, and active engagement in composing in the styles of the dominant Egyptian genres of the time as well as muwashshaḥāt.In 1948, the vast majority of Palestinians were displaced, and musicians found themselves at the frontier of implementing new political and cultural visions in the countries of Jordan, Lebanon and Iraq. Therefore, the continuation of the musical narrative in the West Bank did not seem attainable. By the early 1950s, Palestinian musicians and intellectuals developed a vocabulary that reflected the topography, scenery, culture, dialects, and history of al-Mashriq, one that is independent of Egypt’s. Their input, intuition, experience, and convictions of various Palestinian musicians helped to make the music scene in Lebanon, Iraq, and Jordan what they are today. Show less
Nationalism, as an ideology coupling self-conscious peoples to fixed territories, is often seen as emerging from European historical developments, also in postcolonial countries outside Europe.... Show moreNationalism, as an ideology coupling self-conscious peoples to fixed territories, is often seen as emerging from European historical developments, also in postcolonial countries outside Europe. André van Dokkum’s Nationalism and Territoriality in Barue and Mozambique shows that this view is not universally true. The precolonial Kingdom of Barue in what is now Mozambique showed characteristics generally associated with nationalism, giving the country great resilience against colonial encroachment. Postcolonial Mozambique, on the other hand, has so far not succeeded in creating national coherence. The former anti-colonial organization and now party in power Frelimo has always stressed national unity, but only under its own guidance, paradoxically producing disunity. Show less
Search engines play a vital role in positioning, organizing, and disseminating knowledge in China. Although there is a growing interest in China’s search engines, relatively few researches... Show moreSearch engines play a vital role in positioning, organizing, and disseminating knowledge in China. Although there is a growing interest in China’s search engines, relatively few researches systematically examine their role involving nationalism. In order to address the research gap, this article compares the top thirty search results,from Baidu, 360 Search, Sogou Search, and Google regarding the “Meng Wanzhou Incident” while focusing on the overlap, ranking, and bias patterns. Furthermore, this study also analyses the differences between Wikipedia and China’s online encyclopedias concerning the “Meng Wanzhou Incident” in terms of content, structure, sources, and their main arguments. This article finds: 1) Chinese search engines favor their own services, thereby offering a unique and selective content bias; 2) Chinese search engines and online encyclopedias only provide Chinese sources that provide national biased knowledge, which raises search bias concerns; and 3) Chinese online encyclopedias offer a strong one-sided argument that is positive to China. Overall, this study finds that China’s search engines service the Chinese government’s self-interest by rendering overly biased social realities; moreover, they produce a logic of “imagined communities” to promote and stimulate feelings of nationalism. Show less
La belleza no conoce fronteras y lo mismo ocurre con el arte. Sin embargo, el arte ha sido categorizado sobre todo por nacionalidad. El impacto del nacionalismo sobre el arte se puede estudiar... Show moreLa belleza no conoce fronteras y lo mismo ocurre con el arte. Sin embargo, el arte ha sido categorizado sobre todo por nacionalidad. El impacto del nacionalismo sobre el arte se puede estudiar perfectamente a través del caso de El Greco. Era un pintor del siglo XVI, había nacido en Creta, tuvo su educación en Venecia y solamente cuando tenía unos 35 años llegó a España para producir casi todas sus obras maestras en la ciudad de Toledo. Artistas, escritores y historiadores de arte en Francia y Alemania empezaban a redescubrir este singular pintor durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, definiéndole sobre todo como un artista esencialmente español. Esta reinterpretación nacionalista de su obra culminó en la biografía que Manuel Bartolomé Cossío publicó de El Greco en 1908. En este capítulo hacemos un análisis detallado de la interpretación nacionalista de Cossío, que en el fondo era el paso definitivo para hacer entrar el pintor manierista en el canon del arte español Show less
