In the aftermath of World War I, the beaten paths of tourism guided an increasing number of international tourists to the hinterlands of the Arab Eastern Mediterranean, where they would admire... Show moreIn the aftermath of World War I, the beaten paths of tourism guided an increasing number of international tourists to the hinterlands of the Arab Eastern Mediterranean, where they would admire pyramids and Roman ruins. Yet they were not the only visitors: Arab nationalists gathered in summer resorts, and Yishuvi skiing clubs practised on Lebanese mountain slopes. By catering to these travellers, local tour guides and advocates of tourism development pursued their agendas. Show less
This article analyses how innovative narrative techniques operate in the movie 74 (The Reconstitution of a Struggle) by Rania and Raed Rafei (2012). The film is a reenactment of an historical event... Show moreThis article analyses how innovative narrative techniques operate in the movie 74 (The Reconstitution of a Struggle) by Rania and Raed Rafei (2012). The film is a reenactment of an historical event: the student occupation of the American University of Beirut one year before the start of the Lebanese civil war. The use of improvised reenactment, testimonials and the voiceover all strengthen the film’s approach to the event as an embodied transformative experience, even as it descends into its defeat. While a cynical spectator might argue that the focus on “revolutionary becoming” reduces collective action to individual experience, the article argues that it is precisely this affective and embodied approach that allows the film to resonate with other times and places and to evoke a speculative state of agitation beyond closed narratives of defeat.Cet article analyse les techniques narratives innovatrices utilisées dans le film «74 (La reconstitution d’une lutte)» de Rania et Raed Rafei (2012). Le film présente, comme son nom l’indique, une reconstitution d’un événement historique: l’occupation de l’Université Américaine à Beyrouth, par le mouvement étudiant, un an avant le début de la guerre civile libanaise. L’utilisation de reconstitutions improvisées, de témoignages offerts face à la camera, et de voice-over, renforcent la démarche du film envers l’événement en tant qu’expérience incarnée transformatrice, même lorsqu’il dégénère vers sa défaite. S’il est vrai qu’un spectateur cynique pourrait soutenir que « le devenir révolutionnaire » réduit la lutte collective à l’expérience individuelle, cet article soutient que c’est précisément cette approche affective et incarnée qui permet au film de résonner en d’autres temps et lieux, ainsi que d’évoquer un état d’agitation spéculatif au-delà des récits cloisonnés de la défaite. Show less
El Ouahi, J.; Robinson-García, N.; Costas Comesana, R. 2021
In this article Bayat challenges the widespread assumption that Islam is incompatible with democracy and argues that analysis should focus instead on the conditions in which Muslims can make Islam... Show moreIn this article Bayat challenges the widespread assumption that Islam is incompatible with democracy and argues that analysis should focus instead on the conditions in which Muslims can make Islam embrace democratic ethos. Detailing the different trajectories of Iran and Egypt, the article concludes that the extent to which Muslim citizens gain the skill and spirit to assert collective will, in spite of constraints—that is, master the art of presence—proves crucial in the road towards democratic polity. Show less
The Middle East is currently saturated with talk about “change.” Yet, the resiliency of authoritarianism and patriarchy in the region coupled with the evident failure of “democratization”-by... Show moreThe Middle East is currently saturated with talk about “change.” Yet, the resiliency of authoritarianism and patriarchy in the region coupled with the evident failure of “democratization”-by-conquest have plunged this part of the world into a depressing impasse. The region’s Muslim majority is caught up between, on the one hand, authoritarian regimes or fundamentalist inspired opposition, both of which tend to impose severe social control in the name of nation and religion, and on the other, flagrant foreign intervention and occupation in the name of democratization. We witness, then, a clear abuse of faith, freedom, and the faithful. In the midst of this, however, one thing has become clearer. If a meaningful change is to occur in these societies it should come from within, through the self-assertion of societal forces in a democratic direction. But the monumental question is how? Show less
The image of the Middle East projected in current public discourses is one imbued with religion. Media consumers would be forgiven for assuming that the region consists of angry bearded men... Show moreThe image of the Middle East projected in current public discourses is one imbued with religion. Media consumers would be forgiven for assuming that the region consists of angry bearded men prostrating themselves in prayer when not shaking their fists and burning American flags, and shadowy women with headscarves or chadors. The region is 'the Islamic world', religion stamped on every aspect of its life and function. The 'clash of civilizations' idea, much criticized, remains a potent notion both in the West and in Muslim circles. A mythical totalized 'Muslim world' is opposed to an equally mythical unified 'West', with religion as the essence of the former and the main key to its politics and society. Show less
The 1979 Iranian revolution ended up in a theocratic regime that mobilized an important part of urban youth for both the war against Iraq and the realization of a utopian Islam. Two decades later,... Show moreThe 1979 Iranian revolution ended up in a theocratic regime that mobilized an important part of urban youth for both the war against Iraq and the realization of a utopian Islam. Two decades later, a new type of cultural-political movement, with democratic tendencies, is emerging and is founded mainly on three groups: intellectuals, university students, and women. Show less
Abu l-Huda was born in a small village on the margins of the northern Syrian desert in 1850 into a family of humble origins. In his early childhood, he was initiated into the Rifaciyya order, which... Show moreAbu l-Huda was born in a small village on the margins of the northern Syrian desert in 1850 into a family of humble origins. In his early childhood, he was initiated into the Rifaciyya order, which is still widely spread today in the rural areas of Syria and Iraq. He was quick to develop substantial contacts with Rifaci sheiks in Aleppo, who dominated certain important posts in the city. In 1874, he became the naqib ala shraf (scion of the descendants of the prophets) there at a strikingly young age. In the following years, he managed to overcome several severe setbacks to his career and finally established himself in the entourage of the new Sultan Abdlhamid II, whose accession to the throne marked the end of the tanzimat, a period of wide-ranging administrative reforms in Ottoman history. Show less
The indignity of American Christians who conveniently drop from their memory tales of oppression experienced by their Palestinian Christian compatriots is striking. The term 'conveniently' may be... Show moreThe indignity of American Christians who conveniently drop from their memory tales of oppression experienced by their Palestinian Christian compatriots is striking. The term 'conveniently' may be explained by the following unforgettable experience: I once engaged in a conversation with an Anglo-Christian missionary on a bus trip from Bethlehem to Jerusalem prior to the 1967 War. As a Christian born in Bethlehem, I expressed how privileged I felt to proclaim the honour of my birth place. Gasping with a subdued expression, the missionary muttered: 'And when exactly did you convert to Christianity?' Show less
At all four corners of the earth: the Balkans (Kosovo, Bosnia), Indonesia (Moluccas, East-Timor), Africa (Sudan), as well as the Holy Land (Nazareth), Islam and Christianity seem to be in a... Show moreAt all four corners of the earth: the Balkans (Kosovo, Bosnia), Indonesia (Moluccas, East-Timor), Africa (Sudan), as well as the Holy Land (Nazareth), Islam and Christianity seem to be in a position of mutual rejection. Hence, the representation, which currently prevails over Europe, of a perpetual conflict. However, this vision maintained by events that indeed highlight religious conflicts, remains in a state of partiality and partialness. We thus see Islam reigning undivided over the societies south of the Mediterranean, all the while forgetting that in the Arab world as well as in Turkey, religious uniformity - currently the norm - does not date back to the beginning of time. Between the 7th century, which witnessed the warriors of Islam leaving Arabia, and the preceding century, the relationship between the two religions was not just conflictual. On more than one occasion and in more than one place Christianity would come to know unexpected recoveries. Show less
What will be the face of Islam in the twenty-first century? A preoccupation with the future is always acute at the turning of a century, still more so at the turning of a millennium. The... Show moreWhat will be the face of Islam in the twenty-first century? A preoccupation with the future is always acute at the turning of a century, still more so at the turning of a millennium. The speculation about world futures, from the optimistic 'Endism' of Francis Fukuyama to the pessimistic 'Clash of Civilizations' of Samuel Huntington, is already well under way in the West. Show less
