Recent scholarly work on higher education institutions (HEIs) within an EU context has focused on how universities and their core activities have been affected by EU education policy. The... Show moreRecent scholarly work on higher education institutions (HEIs) within an EU context has focused on how universities and their core activities have been affected by EU education policy. The organisation of HEIs in order to shape European decision-making on higher education, mainly through their presence in Brussels, has received much less attention. This article therefore focuses on how HEIs organise their EU representation and explains their choice for a specific organisational form, distinguishing between individual (i.e. a Brussels office), collective (i.e. via an association) and mixed representation (the combination of both a Brussels office and membership of an association). After systematically mapping the organisational form of 250 HEIs, we apply a mixed methods design to test our hypotheses derived from previous research on interest representation and lobbying. Our findings illustrate that the distance from Brussels is a key factor in the decision to open a Brussels office or join an association, whereas financial resources appear imperative for combining both forms of representation. Furthermore, we identify additional underlying motives for choosing a particular mode of representation, in particular the importance of information exchange, visibility and networking. Show less
Political parties take positions and make decisions on many policies that directly influence important parts of the lives of their voters. These policies include issues like raising the retirement... Show morePolitical parties take positions and make decisions on many policies that directly influence important parts of the lives of their voters. These policies include issues like raising the retirement age, lending money to large companies that face bankruptcy, or deploying soldiers to Afghanistan. But do political parties take into account the policy preferences of the general public and their own voters when making such decisions? And to what extent do interest groups influence political parties’ positions and decisions on these policy issues? This dissertation studies these important questions across a range of wealthy, Northwestern European democracies with strong democratic credentials, covering dozens of political parties, policy issues and even more interest groups and other policy advocates. Show less
Do interest groups help or hinder democratic policymaking? While interest groups are often understood as transmission belts which work as important intermediaries between the public and the... Show moreDo interest groups help or hinder democratic policymaking? While interest groups are often understood as transmission belts which work as important intermediaries between the public and the policymaking level, their involvement is not without risk. Unequal opportunities and undue influence may bias the interest group landscape towards special interests.The latter, less optimistic perspective on interest group involvement is one that reflects public concerns as lobbying has a rather negative reputation amongst the general public. It is crucial for the study of interest groups as well as representative democracy to know the extent to which these stances on lobbying are warranted. Do groups actually represent the public and can contribute to democratic legitimacy? More specifically, can groups act as transmission belts of public preferences and how could they do so?Understanding these mechanisms is important for understanding how groups can help strengthen the extent to which governments respond to public demands. It is the dissertation’s aim to contribute to these debates, paying particular attention to the extent to which interest groups inform policymakers about what the public wants. Show less
This thesis argues that lobbying was an important phenomenon in the seventeenth-century and that it had far-reaching influence on the course of history. Seventeenth-century lobbying took the form... Show moreThis thesis argues that lobbying was an important phenomenon in the seventeenth-century and that it had far-reaching influence on the course of history. Seventeenth-century lobbying took the form of petitions, personal relations, and pressure through public opinion. The importance of lobbying means that people (including ordinary people) could be more important than large organizations such as the WIC for, for example, the colonial empire. An example of successful lobby includes the introduction of regulations governing the storage of sugar during the night. This quality amelioration was an initiative of the sugar producers and not of the Company. Another example is the successful lobby by the Brazilian inhabitants to not only employ enslaved Africans, but to also force the indigenous population into slave labor on the sugar plantations. Moreover, within the Dutch Republic people were forced to tone down their reports or to alter their opinion because of 'political sensitivities'. It is interesting that lobbying alliances transcended traditional boundaries in society. This means that Jews lobbied with Christians, women with men, soldiers with captains, French people with Scotts and Hollanders, and inhabitants of The Hague together with citizens in Middelburg, Leiden, and Dordrecht.In other words, people made a difference. Show less
Why do interest organizations do what they do? Organized political activities could find their basis in the desire for organizational survival. Alternatively, the activities of interest... Show moreWhy do interest organizations do what they do? Organized political activities could find their basis in the desire for organizational survival. Alternatively, the activities of interest organizations may be mainly understood in relation to government institutions and public policy. Last, the key rationale for political activities could be seen to relate to certain political principles more generally. Taking account of these contrasting assumptions, this thesis takes an exchange theoretical perspective and examines the activities EU and Dutch interest organizations (n=517) and political claims in the newspaper in seven European countries (n=approx 3000). The key findings are that (1) business interests seem better represented than other types of interests, (2) different types of interests (i.e. NGO⦣8364;™s, businesses, social interests, citizen groups) use very similar tactics to seek influence on public policy, and (3) interest organizations seem to have difficulty in getting access in the news media because ⦣8364;˜official sources⦣8364;™ seem to be preferred by journalists. These and other findings call for an adjustment of some of the classic assumptions in the field of interest group research ⦣8364;“ among others on differences between interests and across systems. It calls for improved theories on variation in political strategies between issues. Show less
