In the light of the fragility of current liberal democracies, this dissertation aims to contribute to rethinking political order by reconstructing Hegel’s account in the Philosophy of Right. His... Show moreIn the light of the fragility of current liberal democracies, this dissertation aims to contribute to rethinking political order by reconstructing Hegel’s account in the Philosophy of Right. His theory of political order has relevance as it explores how modern freedom, i.e. liberal rights and a market, can coexist with republican self-government. The reconstruction shows how a liberal order, i.e. based on the principle of individual autonomy and an instrumental account of government, must entail a loss of freedom and social and political pathologies: citizens for instance cannot acquire stable identities in the social whole and alienate themselves from the political realm. Moreover, it works out Hegel’s alternative account of political order in which freedom depends on the interplay of the opposed dynamics of the state and society: the state institutions pursuing the good of the community as a whole, while the members of civil society pursue their own good. Finally, the dissertation shows how Hegel offers a coherent and subtle account of republican citizenship and self-government, in which self-government does not depend primarily on the influence citizens exercise on political outcomes but on their ability to identify with the good of the community as a whole. Show less
The public health systems of liberal states systematically fail to meet the goals and obligations of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which aims to facilitate full... Show moreThe public health systems of liberal states systematically fail to meet the goals and obligations of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which aims to facilitate full societal participation and independent life choices by all impaired persons, as well as the unburdening of their private caretakers. This failure does not stem from a lack of money or effort by governments and other societal institutions, but flaws in the anatomy of these systems. As these systems confine institutional assistance to the needs of persons with certain delineated disabilities, they neglect the needs of other persons, whose disabilities do not fit this mould. The responsibility for the latter group thus falls to their immediate social circle. These private caretakers are in turn seldom supported. To remedy this situation, I will present the alternative paradigm of vulnerability theory as the possible foundation for a more inclusive approach to public health. Show less
Liberalism is in trouble as a normative basis of world order, partly for its failure to deliver adequate democracy to contemporary globalisation. This article explores how new ideas and practices... Show moreLiberalism is in trouble as a normative basis of world order, partly for its failure to deliver adequate democracy to contemporary globalisation. This article explores how new ideas and practices of democracy might underpin a future post-liberal world order. The discussion especially addresses methodological issues, on the premise that the way that global democracy is studied deeply affects the ways that it can be understood and enacted. To open space for more innovative thinking about people’s power in a global world, the article develops an approach which—in contrast to established liberal theorising—emphasises principles of diversity, reflexivity, and praxis. Drawing on experiences of implementing these principles in a six-year ‘Building Global Democracy’ programme, the article argues that such a methodology can generate different, imaginative and transformative notions. In particular, post-liberal reinventions of democracy could redefine the demos, incorporate non-modern institutions, deepen justice, and confront structural power hierarchies. To be sure, as the final section reflects, the formulation and implementation of post-liberal constructions of global democracy face considerable challenges. Yet, with no less than the future of a good society at stake, it is vital further to pursue such experiments in globality beyond liberalism. Show less
This work presents a political biography of nineteenth century lawyer and statesman Dirk Donker Curtius. Donker advocated freedom of religion, speech and press through lawsuits, brochures and... Show moreThis work presents a political biography of nineteenth century lawyer and statesman Dirk Donker Curtius. Donker advocated freedom of religion, speech and press through lawsuits, brochures and articles and found himself at the centre of power amidst the 1848 political and societal developments. This dissertation reveals that Donker had a larger role than assumed in the Dutch liberal discourse in development of the liberal movement prior to 1848 and practical implementation of reformist ideas thereafter. Specifically, this study of Donker’s career argues that through his skilful and pragmatic service as Minister of Justice in the first years after the creation of the 1848 liberal constitution, he played a pivotal role in its consolidation and perpetuation. Show less
The last ten years has seen the rise of populist forces across the globe from both the right and the left. While often read in the context of the perceived rise of, and reactions to populist and... Show moreThe last ten years has seen the rise of populist forces across the globe from both the right and the left. While often read in the context of the perceived rise of, and reactions to populist and potentially violent Islam, this analysis is excessively focused on observations of the right, and ignores similarities between the populist right and the populist left. By way of an alternative, this article draws together political theology, original ethnography and observations of contemporary politics in the United Kingdom (and to a lesser extent the United States and Canada) to offer a broader lens involving: the rise of liberalism, the consequent construction of politics as technocratic management, and the neglect and resultant disillusionment of ordinary people. In particular, the paper draws on my recent research on the role of myths of solidarity in developing civic engagement. It argues that myths of solidarity have been undermined by the rise of liberalism, and that restoring such myths to the center of contemporary politics is vital to challenging the myths of division that fuel populist politics. Finally, it explores possibilities for restoring myths to the center of contemporary politics, suggesting that while avenues for such reform are emerging, politics as technocratic management remains the dominant paradigm. Show less
This subject of this thesis is toleration in the Netherlands after 2000. It presents an analysis of a number of parliamentary debates that have bearing on the treatment of religious and cultural... Show moreThis subject of this thesis is toleration in the Netherlands after 2000. It presents an analysis of a number of parliamentary debates that have bearing on the treatment of religious and cultural diversity in the Netherlands and on the integration of newcomers to Dutch society. It focuses on parliamentary debates since 2000 because of reports of diminishing tolerance and increasing assimilationism in the Netherlands post-2000. The question this research attempts to answer is how parliament conceives of the place and role of __moral communities__, i.e. ethnic, religious, or cultural communities, in the Netherlands. It specifically aims to determine to which degree and on what grounds moral communities are regarded as having the liberty to remain distinct from Dutch society and to what extent and on what grounds their members are required to integrate or assimilate. To that end liberal political philosophy, i.e. political philosophy investigating the grounds, form, and scope of individual liberty, is applied as an analytical tool in this research. Show less
Political philosophy is not only a form of theory, but also a practice. If we wish to learn something about politics, therefore, we should focus not only on its propositional content, but also on... Show morePolitical philosophy is not only a form of theory, but also a practice. If we wish to learn something about politics, therefore, we should focus not only on its propositional content, but also on its performative meaning. This dissertation offers a reconstruction of the propositional contents of the writings of Karl Popper, Leo Strauss, and Hannah Arendt while bringing these into discussion with their performative meanings, such as polemical forms of reasoning, analogical and metaphorical uses of language, and hidden assumptions that become manifest as soon as people start acting upon them. First, it is demonstrated that Popper prescribes a conception of politics that is modeled after science, while he performs a polemical conception of politics. Next, it is shown that Strauss is aware of the performative condition of philosophy, whereas his way of framing it in terms of the mutually hostile opposition between phi losophy and politics and his remedy of the art of writing amount to an unrealistic escape from it. Finally, it is argued that Arendt not only shows to be aware of the contingent character of human action, but also develops forms of political thinking that do justice to it. Show less
This political biography analyzes the political influence of, and methods used by, P.W.A. Cort van der Linden (1846-1935), Dutch Prime-Minister from 1913 to 1918. While he was a Professor of... Show moreThis political biography analyzes the political influence of, and methods used by, P.W.A. Cort van der Linden (1846-1935), Dutch Prime-Minister from 1913 to 1918. While he was a Professor of Economics he developed a view of liberalism based on German idealism which also included a progressive use of Social Darwinism. This view was what he called “the theory of a higher sense of justice.” The application of this theory is evident in his legislation to protect children (1901) as well as in the constitutional revision of 1917. According to Van der Linden’s views, it was ‘a political necessity’ to introduce general male suffrage. He also made the future introduction of female suffrage possible, and, in spite of criticism from Kuyper, the leader of the Calvinistic antirevolutionary party, he made possible the equal treatment of private, denominational, and state schools. The non-partisan attitude of the Prime-Minister was also important for the maintenance of neutrality in the Netherlands during the First World War. Van der Linden stayed in close contact with Germany while Foreign Secretary Loudon spoke to the French. In addition to all these efforts, the Prime-Minister had to settle disputes within his cabinet, with commander-in-chief Snijders and with Queen Wilhelmina. Show less
This dissertation focuses on the political life of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., the third surviving son of Franklin D. Roosevelt and Eleanor Roosevelt. The key question of this study emphasizes... Show moreThis dissertation focuses on the political life of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., the third surviving son of Franklin D. Roosevelt and Eleanor Roosevelt. The key question of this study emphasizes how FDR, Jr. interpreted the Roosevelt name and legacy during his life and political career. This book deals therefore with the legacy of the New Deal, the rise and fall of liberalism during the decades after World War II and prominent American politicians such as Harry S. Truman, Henry Wallace, Dwight D. Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy, Robert F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson. Show less
In 1994, Husayn Ali Qambar, a Kuwaiti Shici, abandoned Islam and joined the Evangelical Church. The news of his conversion caused quite a sensation in Kuwait, as such an event is practically... Show moreIn 1994, Husayn Ali Qambar, a Kuwaiti Shici, abandoned Islam and joined the Evangelical Church. The news of his conversion caused quite a sensation in Kuwait, as such an event is practically unheard of in the Arabian Peninsula. Instead of keeping a low profile, as is the custom amongst converts in the Middle East, Qambar self-confidently stood up to the storm of reactions. He agreed to meet with the press and appeared in photos wearing a small silver cross around his neck and holding a Bible in his hand. To the question of why he had decided to become Christian, Qambar candidly answered 'I have found God else where'. Show less
