Focus of the study is the potential role of local institutions in fisheries management. As world-wide marine resources deteriorate, the call for better management urges national governments to... Show moreFocus of the study is the potential role of local institutions in fisheries management. As world-wide marine resources deteriorate, the call for better management urges national governments to decentralise management authority to local and lower government levels. Ownership and long-term access to resources are important incentives to manage resources for sustainability, while proximity to the resource, relevant local knowledge and local management institutions allow for effective and more equitable management that is both adaptive and resilient. Sasi in Maluku, Indonesia, is such an institution and has often been heralded as an example of successful local resource management. The extent to which it was still active and functional, however, was not known. This thesis contains an inventory of sasi and an analysis of its performance in terms of equity, efficiency, biological and social sustainability, and is illustrated by an elaborate description of sasi in Nolloth village. The study of sasi has been put in the wider context of decentralisation in Indonesia which is compared to the process in the Philippines. The results have also been used to identify the factors that enhance success of co-management in Southeast Asia. Finally a methodology is proposed to measure this success in an appropriate way. Show less
When the Asian economic crisis struck Indonesia in 1997 it was generally thought to signal the end of a system of power defined by the corrupt and collusive relationships of KKN (Korupsi, Kolusi... Show moreWhen the Asian economic crisis struck Indonesia in 1997 it was generally thought to signal the end of a system of power defined by the corrupt and collusive relationships of KKN (Korupsi, Kolusi dan Nepotisme). Surely the days of the crony were over, and their corporate empires would be taken over by large international investors. Show less
Nearly five years after the implementation of administrative decentralisation in Indonesia, popular influence on governance has increased, especially at the kabupaten (district) level, where 'local... Show moreNearly five years after the implementation of administrative decentralisation in Indonesia, popular influence on governance has increased, especially at the kabupaten (district) level, where 'local ways' have become a hot topic in political discourse. But what are local ways and to whom do they belong? Can they be reconciled with national law? Consider land tenure, where district regulations and grassroots practice often differ: in Pasir, government and society are looking to tradition, national law and Pasir identity to redefine authority over land. Show less
What the islands deliver is in the first place sandalwood, and also some gold and beeswax.... The inhabitants...who often wage war on each other, sometimes draw the Company into the game..., the... Show moreWhat the islands deliver is in the first place sandalwood, and also some gold and beeswax.... The inhabitants...who often wage war on each other, sometimes draw the Company into the game..., the reason why we sometimes achieve some slaves.... But since the relation with Portugal is at peace again...we have and keep only a small activity on Timor as well as Solor, pending the small trade that is done here, and also because the Portuguese have drawn everything to themselves, being by far the strongest and mostly having the inhabitants by their side through their priests and divines, and by those means taking much advantage over us. Show less
Experts and most Indonesians agree that since the fall of Suharto in 1998, Reformasi and Demokratisasi have failed to check corruption, commonly referred to as KKN: Korupsi, Kolusi dan Nepotisme.... Show moreExperts and most Indonesians agree that since the fall of Suharto in 1998, Reformasi and Demokratisasi have failed to check corruption, commonly referred to as KKN: Korupsi, Kolusi dan Nepotisme. The new government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has made the fight against KKN its chief priority, but the results so far have been disappointing. Show less
Most Indonesian urban poor live in ramshackle settlements called kampungs and occupy land according to tenure arrangements unrecognised by the formal land law regime. Reform since the 1998 fall of... Show moreMost Indonesian urban poor live in ramshackle settlements called kampungs and occupy land according to tenure arrangements unrecognised by the formal land law regime. Reform since the 1998 fall of Suharto has led to some recognition of these 'semiformal' arrangements. This complicates the ambitious development agenda of a city like Bandung, pitting two sides with seemingly conflicting interests against each other: the urban poor and the municipal government. Both are dissatisfied with Bandung's land reforms. Show less
Gandrung is a beloved entertainment for ritual celebrations in rural Banyuwangi in easternmost Java. In this genre - a variety of one known throughout western Indonesia - a professional female... Show moreGandrung is a beloved entertainment for ritual celebrations in rural Banyuwangi in easternmost Java. In this genre - a variety of one known throughout western Indonesia - a professional female singer-dancer, the gandrung (who gives the genre its name) dances with male guests, accompanied by a small ensemble of drums, violins, gongs, and a triangle. It is not always easy for a gandrung to entice guests onto the dance floor, since their dancing, like hers, requires artistry and poise while their movements will be watched critically by spectators, who may include their own wives and children. Show less
As modernisation and globalisation extend into eastern Indonesia, traditional culture's decline in rural communities is undermining the vibrancy and dynamism of their arts. A partnership between... Show moreAs modernisation and globalisation extend into eastern Indonesia, traditional culture's decline in rural communities is undermining the vibrancy and dynamism of their arts. A partnership between two organisations in Australia and Indonesia is supporting a rededication of these communities to the traditions and values of the past through a program that facilitates a re-imagining of their place in the future. Show less
Nurcholish Madjid, Indonesia’s best known Muslim intellectual, died in August last year after a prolonged and painful illness. At the time of his death, the country appeared to be drifting away... Show moreNurcholish Madjid, Indonesia’s best known Muslim intellectual, died in August last year after a prolonged and painful illness. At the time of his death, the country appeared to be drifting away into increasing religious intolerance: physical attacks by radical Muslims on makeshift churches and assaults on the main centre of the Ahmaddiyah movement, death threats against liberal Muslim thinkers, fatwas of Indonesia’s Ulama Council, once a paragon of moderation, against “liberal Islam,” secularism and religious pluralism. The days in which Nurcholish’ voice of moderation and inter-religious understanding was almost hegemonic, at least in the media, are rapidly fading away, and memories of Nurcholish resonate with nostalgia for times of greater harmony. Show less
Recently there has been a great deal of talk on the need to accommodate, modify, and pacify the radical elements of Muslim communities. Yet it is not well understood how a process of accommodation... Show moreRecently there has been a great deal of talk on the need to accommodate, modify, and pacify the radical elements of Muslim communities. Yet it is not well understood how a process of accommodation should be carried out, or by whom? Student groups, who have long been on the vanguard of social and political change in Indonesia, can serve as a living example of democratic accommodation. Show less
Tussen 1831 en 1872 wierf Nederland ongeveer 3085 mannen in West-Afrika, grotendeels uit het grondgebied van het huidige Ghana en Burkina Faso, voor de militaire dienst in Nederlands-Indië. De... Show moreTussen 1831 en 1872 wierf Nederland ongeveer 3085 mannen in West-Afrika, grotendeels uit het grondgebied van het huidige Ghana en Burkina Faso, voor de militaire dienst in Nederlands-Indië. De Afrikaanse soldaten werden na hun opleiding op Java ingezet in koloniale expedities op Sumatra, Borneo, Celebes, Bali, Timor en in de Atjeh-oorlog. Met hun Indonesische vrouwen stichtten deze Afrikaanse soldaten kleine Indo-Afrikaanse gemeenschappen in de garnizoenssteden op Java. Hun afstammelingen wonen in Nederland, Ghana en Indonesië en elders op de wereld. Dit boek gaat over de lotgevallen van deze 'Belanda Hitam' (Zwarte Hollanders). Het is een groepsportret, gebaseerd op archiefonderzoek en mondelinge overlevering, dat zich uitstrekt over anderhalve eeuw. [Samenvatting ASC Leiden] Show less
Between 1831 and 1872, the Dutch government recruited 3,000 Africans from the Gold Coast and Ashanti (Ghana) for service in the colonial army in the Netherlands East Indies. The majority of them... Show moreBetween 1831 and 1872, the Dutch government recruited 3,000 Africans from the Gold Coast and Ashanti (Ghana) for service in the colonial army in the Netherlands East Indies. The majority of them were ex-slaves but were promised that their conditions of service would be the same as those of Europeans. With the 'equal treatment' clause, the Dutch government defended itself against British accusations that the recruitment operation amounted to a covert form of slave trading. While this policy made sense in the context of the precolonial relations prevailing in the Gold Coast, its merits were less obvious in the East Indies. The colonial army here was the instrument of empire building but mutinies among African troops stationed on Java and Sumatra caused it to rethink its policy concerning African soldiers. This chapter explores the background to these rebellions. Ref., sum. [Book abstract] Show less
In Indonesia the coming out of Islamic radicalism has once more disquieted public life. Since the US assault on Afghanistan following the September 11 terrorist acts, Islamic youth organizations... Show moreIn Indonesia the coming out of Islamic radicalism has once more disquieted public life. Since the US assault on Afghanistan following the September 11 terrorist acts, Islamic youth organizations have been staging anti-America protests throughout Indonesia's main cities, showing the world a face of Indonesian Islam different from the moderate one with which it is usually identified. The protests also show a different face of young Indonesian activists. This time they do not appear as the spirited bunch of the student movement that ousted Suharto in 1998, but as fiery campaigners for a jihad. Show less
Between 1831 and 1872 some 3,000 African recruits sailed from Elmina (Gold Coast, now Ghana) to Batavia, the capital of the Netherlands East Indies. They had been recruited to serve in the Dutch... Show moreBetween 1831 and 1872 some 3,000 African recruits sailed from Elmina (Gold Coast, now Ghana) to Batavia, the capital of the Netherlands East Indies. They had been recruited to serve in the Dutch colonial army, which throughout most of the 19th century experienced a chronic shortage of European manpower. The Africans counted as part of the European contingent of the army. After expiry of their contracts, some Africans returned to the Gold Coast, while others opted to settle in the East Indies. They became the founding fathers of the Indo-African communities in the Javanese towns of Purworedjo, Semarang, Salatiga and Solo. On Java, the African soldiers and their descendants became known as 'Belanda Hitam' - black Dutchmen. This chapter outlines the background to the recruitment of Africans for the Dutch colonial army and describes three phases in the recruitment process: a slow start (1831-1836), a massive influx (1837-1841), and smaller-scale recruitment from the late 1850s onwards. After Indonesia's independence in 1949, most Indo-Africans opted for repatriation to the Netherlands. Bibliogr., ref Show less
The 12 October bombing in Bali that killed more than 180 people seemed to vindicate the claims of those who had been accusing the Indonesian authorities of deliberately ignoring the presence on... Show moreThe 12 October bombing in Bali that killed more than 180 people seemed to vindicate the claims of those who had been accusing the Indonesian authorities of deliberately ignoring the presence on Indonesian soil of Islamic terrorists connected with al-Qacida network. More sober voices commented that domestic power struggles, rather than international terrorism, might be responsible for this outrage. It was the largest, but by no means the first major bomb explosion in Indonesia. Show less
On 5 January 2001 the Japanese Asahi Shinbun newspaper reported that the Indonesian Department of Health had ordered P.T. Ajinomoto-Indonesia to withdraw its product, Ajinomoto, an artificial... Show moreOn 5 January 2001 the Japanese Asahi Shinbun newspaper reported that the Indonesian Department of Health had ordered P.T. Ajinomoto-Indonesia to withdraw its product, Ajinomoto, an artificial seasoning of monosodium glutamate (MSG), from the market because it contained pork. A few days later, the then Indonesian president Abdurrahman Wahid, also an expert on fiqh, expressed to the Japanese Minister of Justice that he believed the Ajinomoto seasoning could indeed be consumed by Muslims. This seemingly trivial occurrence nonetheless became intertwined in the religious and political issues of Indonesia under the Wahid government. Show less
News coverage on Indonesia since the resignation of former President Suharto has been filled with images of sectarian violence and separatist agitation linked to 'fundamentalist' Islam. The ascent... Show moreNews coverage on Indonesia since the resignation of former President Suharto has been filled with images of sectarian violence and separatist agitation linked to 'fundamentalist' Islam. The ascent of Abdurrahman Wahid, former head of the 'traditionalist' Muslim clerics association, the Nahdlatul Ulama, to the Presidency of the nation at first suggested a shaky vigour in 'moderate' expressions of Islam. But as his second year in office begins, grave doubts loom as to the strength of the middle ground between so-called 'secular' and 'extremist Muslim' forces. Show less
