Online behavioral advertising (OBA) is a form of advertising that relies on data about users’ behavior (e.g., clicks, likes, voice commands) and uses artificial intelligence (AI) to place ads that... Show moreOnline behavioral advertising (OBA) is a form of advertising that relies on data about users’ behavior (e.g., clicks, likes, voice commands) and uses artificial intelligence (AI) to place ads that users may be interested in. Ads that AI chooses to display often leave users in awe and concern them about the potential of total surveillance. People using these services have (legitimate) expectations that tech companies or democratic institutions protect their interests. Indeed, the European Union (EU) heavily regulates OBA, requiring, for example, that companies have users’ consent before their surveillance. Yet, these ads monetize most “free” online services and turn companies like Alphabet and Meta into the world’s wealthiest. Therefore, the industry is incentivized to acquire consumers’ consent by any means necessary, often through manipulation. As almost everyone has encountered manipulative “cookie banners” online, many have started to doubt if EU law can effectively protect consumers from the growing power of the tech industry. This thesis builds a framework of manipulation, describes consumer manipulation via OBA, constructs a theory of the harms of this phenomenon, and analyses its boundaries in the EU legal framework. The thesis concludes that the EU framework can effectively safeguard consumers, anticipating that the enforcement of the Digital Services Act (DSA) and the Digital Markets Act (DMA) will put an end to consumer manipulation (and exploitation) via OBA. Show less
In this reflective chapter, we examine the structural biases and empirical challenges underlying human trafficking ‘indicators’ (especially problem, risk and performance indicators) that are... Show moreIn this reflective chapter, we examine the structural biases and empirical challenges underlying human trafficking ‘indicators’ (especially problem, risk and performance indicators) that are routinely used to describe and measure human trafficking, assess risk, identify abuses, evaluate responses, and encourage accountability. While frequently used, such indicators can give an undue illusion of objectivity and reliability when they are neither neutral nor unskewed. In fact, numerous factors affect which elements are privileged as ‘indicators’ and which are obscured. We therefore examine here the selectivity, politics, racialized and gendered concerns that relate to the production and use of human trafficking indicators. Since human trafficking is a complex, highly-contested, and multi-faceted practice, it is not easily reduced to the crude generalizations upon which many indicators rest. We explore how the uncritical use of indicators can both contribute to stereotypical and unachievable ideals of victimhood and engender undue criminalization or withholding of victim support. In doing so, we disentangle some paradoxes around who is deemed ‘vulnerable’, ‘at risk’, ‘worthy of support’ and requiring ‘protection’. We highlight the – routinely overlooked – weak empirical basis and other limitations of many commonplace ‘indicators’ and challenges in building empirically-stronger and more robust indicators. The chapter concludes with overall implications of these critical reflections for policy, interventions, and research. Show less
The thesis is based on a decade of research in Cameroon, with several rounds of interviews at all stages of the rattan production chain, from the forest to the consumer. One of the findings was... Show moreThe thesis is based on a decade of research in Cameroon, with several rounds of interviews at all stages of the rattan production chain, from the forest to the consumer. One of the findings was that this chain is relatively short: few middlemen on the product flow producer-workshop-customer. Rattan is not produced on plantations but cut in relatively intact forests close to villages and then transported to town. It is transformed into furniture, utilities or artwork in very small workshops, with very simple tools. There is little innovation in design, hardly any marketing effort and virtually no export. Income from rattan and number of jobs created is modest, though the impact on some individuals is distinctly positive. This contrasts with the situation in The Philippines, where the rattan sector is well d eveloped and creates much employment and foreign exchange. In the Philippines, however, exploitation has been unsustainable, and the sector has to face serious shortages and problems related to import of unprocessed rattan. The ecological impact of rattan cutting in Cameroon is currently not alarming, due to the weaknesses of the sector, but care should be taken to prevent resource scarcity. Little evidence was found of the hypothesized contribution of this non-timber forest product to halt deforestation, both in Cameroon and in The Philippines. The thesis ends with recommendations on the sustainable development of the rattan sector. Show less
