On 6 May 1998, a violent conflict erupted in the Ethiopian-Eritrean border area. This article contends that this border crisis is neither unexpected nor the result of a real border dispute. Rather... Show moreOn 6 May 1998, a violent conflict erupted in the Ethiopian-Eritrean border area. This article contends that this border crisis is neither unexpected nor the result of a real border dispute. Rather, it is due to three factors: the particular history and relationship of the two insurgent movements turned national governments (the Eritrean People's Liberation Front, EPLF, and the Tigray People's Liberation Front, TPLF) in the two countries; the nature and heritage of neopatrimonial elite rule and the lack of democratic restructuring in the two countries; and the economic problems of Eritrea. The author first gives an overview of the outbreak of the conflict, its economic effects, and international mediation efforts. Then he analyses the background to the border dispute, arguing that it is a direct result of the unresolved and ambiguous political relationship between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and the national leaders' policy of making deals without securing a broad national consensus or legally clear formulas. Finally, he considers the prospects for a solution of the conflict and future relations between the two countries. Notes, ref Show less
In 1994, Ethiopia became a federal democratic republic composed of nine regional states, which bear the name of their majority ethnic group, except Gambela and the Southern Region. This paper... Show moreIn 1994, Ethiopia became a federal democratic republic composed of nine regional states, which bear the name of their majority ethnic group, except Gambela and the Southern Region. This paper discusses some issues of ethnicity and the "national project" in Ethiopia in relation to the Southern Regional State, officially the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Regional State (SNNPRS), which has a population of 11 million, or some 17 percent of the total Ethiopian population. The Southern Region, known for its notable ethnolinguistic diversity, is a double challenge: to the Ethiopian federation, because of this diversity and the lack of a dominant ethnic majority; and to the development of the region itself, in search of a coalition of ethnic elites that will manage policy and administration, and an appropriate role of ethnic identity. The paper sketches the history and ethnocultural diversity of the "South"; its economic and political role within the Federation; changing politics of identity resulting in patterns of cooperation and conflict; and the role of ethnicity as political construct and sociocultural identity. The South is a region vital to the redefinition and survival of the Ethiopian federation and of Ethiopian nationhood. There is a need in this multi-ethnic region to sustain commonalities bridging differences and to define common issues and interests of efficient governance and economic development. There are new opportunities for the Southern people. The price of the heightened organizational significance of ethnicity is the increased volatility and conflict potential of ethnic group consciousness. Show less
According to the policy of the government of the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), ethnic identity is the ideological basis of Ethiopia's political organization and... Show moreAccording to the policy of the government of the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), ethnic identity is the ideological basis of Ethiopia's political organization and administration and as such has been enshrined in the Federal Constitution of December 1994. Yet the Constitution's explicit reinstatement of ethnicity in law coincides with a politico-economic situation which has made ethnoregional groups more interdependent than ever before, and where the central State has come to play an essential role as a resource and a mechanism of redistribution. The author looks at the way in which ethnicity is translated in the clauses on nationality rights, noting the originality of the Constitution, on the one hand, and the difficulties and ambiguities surrounding the structures of implementation of the ethnicization formula, on the other. The impression arises that "self-determination" has been granted for rhetorical and ideological purposes, and that the central federal government has no intention of relinquishing real power. There is, furthermore, no possibility of judicial review by the courts of State executive and legislative powers. Nor has the Constitution solved the problem of reconciling the various generations of rights. Moreover, the failure to define or design the Ethiopian polity as an arena of compromise or issue politics creates problems for the realization of a country-wide democratic polity. Notes, ref., sum. (p. i) Show less
This bibliography on Ethiopia and Eritrea is a sequel to 'Ethiopian society and history: a bibliography of Ethiopian studies 1957-1990' (1990). The present volume, which covers the period 1990... Show moreThis bibliography on Ethiopia and Eritrea is a sequel to 'Ethiopian society and history: a bibliography of Ethiopian studies 1957-1990' (1990). The present volume, which covers the period 1990-1995, contains c. 2000 items. Books, journal articles, and articles from collective volumes have been included. The entries are arranged under the following headings: Bibliographies; History and development of Eritreo-Ethiopian studies; Manuscripts, documents, sources, library studies; Travellers and foreigners; History; Cultural geography, ecology, demography; Politics and law before 1974; Politics, law and revolutionary development after 1974; Politics and law after 1991; Peasantry and the rural sector after 1974; The urban sector; Modernization, communications, industry and 'development'; Economics, economic policy, banking; Social structure, social change and gender; Drought and famine, refugees and resettlement; International relations; Ethno-regional conflicts; Education; Health and health care; Ethnomedicine and indigenous knowledge; Folklore, magic, oral traditions; Music; Material culture, architecture, arts and crafts; Christian and hagiographical literature; Religion and missions; Ethnology and anthropology. The last section is subdivided according to ethno-cultural groups. A list of collective volumes and an index of authors' names have been included Show less
This article examines how violent interaction between ethnic and social groups in Ethiopia has shaped the contours of contemporary society. It focuses on the so-called Red Terror period of the... Show moreThis article examines how violent interaction between ethnic and social groups in Ethiopia has shaped the contours of contemporary society. It focuses on the so-called Red Terror period of the late 1970s, which marks a decisive stage in the transformation of violence and politics in Ethiopia. The intense physical and psychological violence of the Red Terror period had a lasting effect on the collective mind and on social relations among Ethiopians. Because of its violation of central sociocultural ideals and codes in Ethiopian society, it decisively undermined any idea of 'social contract' or 'trust' between the State and the population. This breakdown of trust led to a dissociation of civilians from national policy and power structures, and to a serious weakening of overall social cohesion. Show less
There is, as yet, still no adequate theoretical idiom to conceptualize, in an accepted, conventional manner, the processes conditioning ethnic naming and the political-economic embeddedness of... Show moreThere is, as yet, still no adequate theoretical idiom to conceptualize, in an accepted, conventional manner, the processes conditioning ethnic naming and the political-economic embeddedness of cultural complexities. The traditional primordial-mobilization dichotomy in ethnic studies, with its heuristic and descriptive advantages, remains attractive. Nonetheless, it would be advantageous for future anthropological studies of ethnic groups and relations to focus on the processes of infrastructural political-ecological conditioning of ethnic labels and their symbolic use. An explanation in terms of the psychological, affective validity of ethnicity is at most a derivative of such a process and has more to do with the individual experience rather than the collective aspects of ethnicity. The case of Maji 'awraja' (subprovince) in southwestern Ethiopia, where the author conducted fieldwork in 1988-1990, serves as illustration. The ethnonyms in use here primarily reflect a history of politico-ecological conflict between various groups of different composition and not a smooth transfer of cultural heritages within well-defined "tribes", despite a popular local image to the contrary. State discourse and policy plays a crucial role in the process. The discussion is restricted to four groups: the Dizi, the Tishana-Me'en, the Surma (or Tirma) and the Northerners (or "Amhara"). Bibliogr., notes, ref Show less
