One of the core principles instituted by the post-1991 government in Ethiopia that took power after a successful armed struggle was ethnic-based federalism, informed by a neo-Leninist political... Show moreOne of the core principles instituted by the post-1991 government in Ethiopia that took power after a successful armed struggle was ethnic-based federalism, informed by a neo-Leninist political model called revolutionary democracy. In this model, devised by the reigning Tigray People's Liberation Front (later EPRDF), ethnic identity was to be the basis of politics. Identities of previously non-dominant groups were constitutionally recognized and the idea of pan-Ethiopian identity de-emphasized. This article examines the general features and effects of this new political model, often dubbed an ''experiment'', with regard to ideas of federal democracy, socio-economic inclusiveness, and ethno-cultural and political rights. After 20 years of TPLF/EPRDF rule, the dominant rhetorical figure in Ethiopian politics is that of ethnicity, which has permeated daily life and overtaken democratic decision-making and shared issue-politics. The federal state, despite according nominal decentralized power to regional and local authorities, is stronger than any previous Ethiopian state and has developed structures of central control and top-down rule that preclude local initiative and autonomy. Ethnic and cultural rights were indeed accorded, and a new economic dynamics is visible. Political liberties, respect for human rights and economic equality are however neglected, and ethnic divisions are on the increase, although repressed. Ethiopia's recent political record thus shows mixed results, with positive elements but also an increasingly authoritarian governance model recalling the features of the country's traditional hierarchical and autocratic political culture. This may produce more debate on the need for ''adjusting the experiment''. Show less
Alcohol can be used as a theme to belittle, patronize and differentiate people. This happens especially when different kinds of beverages are accorded a different status across social and ethnic... Show moreAlcohol can be used as a theme to belittle, patronize and differentiate people. This happens especially when different kinds of beverages are accorded a different status across social and ethnic groups in society. The case study presented in this chapter highlights cultural aspects of social inequality and ethnic stratification by tracing the ambivalent connections between alcohol, power and cultural dominance in the Maji region of southern Ethiopia, where the author carried out fieldwork in 1995/1996. Maji society's 'drinking situation' reflects the area's history of divergent ethnocultural traditions and exposure of people to State narratives of civilization and governance. Historically, the local people, among them the Dizi, Me'en and Suri, were deemed politically and culturally less civilized by the central State and the northern immigrants. The Suri, as agropastoralist lowlanders, were considered especially coarse in their mannerisms and livelihood pursuits. Alcohol (ab)use is explained by many non-Suri northerners in the neighbouring villages as another example of the Suri's 'backward' social behaviour. This chapter explores the basis of such remarks and what they reveal about hegemonic relations and group prestige. Bibliogr., notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
In 1994, Ethiopia became a federal democratic republic composed of nine regional states, which bear the name of their majority ethnic group, except Gambela and the Southern Region. This paper... Show moreIn 1994, Ethiopia became a federal democratic republic composed of nine regional states, which bear the name of their majority ethnic group, except Gambela and the Southern Region. This paper discusses some issues of ethnicity and the "national project" in Ethiopia in relation to the Southern Regional State, officially the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Regional State (SNNPRS), which has a population of 11 million, or some 17 percent of the total Ethiopian population. The Southern Region, known for its notable ethnolinguistic diversity, is a double challenge: to the Ethiopian federation, because of this diversity and the lack of a dominant ethnic majority; and to the development of the region itself, in search of a coalition of ethnic elites that will manage policy and administration, and an appropriate role of ethnic identity. The paper sketches the history and ethnocultural diversity of the "South"; its economic and political role within the Federation; changing politics of identity resulting in patterns of cooperation and conflict; and the role of ethnicity as political construct and sociocultural identity. The South is a region vital to the redefinition and survival of the Ethiopian federation and of Ethiopian nationhood. There is a need in this multi-ethnic region to sustain commonalities bridging differences and to define common issues and interests of efficient governance and economic development. There are new opportunities for the Southern people. The price of the heightened organizational significance of ethnicity is the increased volatility and conflict potential of ethnic group consciousness. Show less
According to the policy of the government of the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), ethnic identity is the ideological basis of Ethiopia's political organization and... Show moreAccording to the policy of the government of the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), ethnic identity is the ideological basis of Ethiopia's political organization and administration and as such has been enshrined in the Federal Constitution of December 1994. Yet the Constitution's explicit reinstatement of ethnicity in law coincides with a politico-economic situation which has made ethnoregional groups more interdependent than ever before, and where the central State has come to play an essential role as a resource and a mechanism of redistribution. The author looks at the way in which ethnicity is translated in the clauses on nationality rights, noting the originality of the Constitution, on the one hand, and the difficulties and ambiguities surrounding the structures of implementation of the ethnicization formula, on the other. The impression arises that "self-determination" has been granted for rhetorical and ideological purposes, and that the central federal government has no intention of relinquishing real power. There is, furthermore, no possibility of judicial review by the courts of State executive and legislative powers. Nor has the Constitution solved the problem of reconciling the various generations of rights. Moreover, the failure to define or design the Ethiopian polity as an arena of compromise or issue politics creates problems for the realization of a country-wide democratic polity. Notes, ref., sum. (p. i) Show less
Ethiopië lijkt een fase van 'deconstructie en reconstructie' door te maken sinds de val van het regime Mengistu in mei 1991. Het land is in een proces van politieke herstructurering verwikkeld... Show moreEthiopië lijkt een fase van 'deconstructie en reconstructie' door te maken sinds de val van het regime Mengistu in mei 1991. Het land is in een proces van politieke herstructurering verwikkeld en poogt een basis te leggen voor een meer open, democratische samenleving. Als gevolg van bijna vier jaar overgangsbeleid is Ethiopië reeds aanzienlijk veranderd: er bestaat vrede en relatieve rust; er is veel meer sociale en politieke vrijheid; er is een opener, markt-georiënteerde economie, met betere voorwaarden voor economische activiteit; het bewind is erin geslaagd etniciteit of 'nationaliteit' een alom tegenwoordig punt te maken onder de bevolking; decentralisatie en 'etnisering' van de regio's zijn vergevorderd, ofschoon de feitelijke controle nog steeds bij de centrale regering ligt. Een probleem vormt de dominantie van het EPRDF (Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front) en de TGE (Transitional Government of Ethiopia) en de relatie tussen de zittende machthebbers en de oppositie. De verkiezingen van juni 1994 en mei 1995 leidden tot een versterking van de positie van de zittende regering, maar losten de problemen van representativiteit en legitimiteit van deze regering niet op. Het dilemma van etnisering en/of representatieve democratie blijft voorlopig nog bestaan. Noten, samenvatting in het Engels (p. 624) Show less
L'expérience de renouveau politique en Éthiopie est en cours depuis 1991, lorsque le régime du colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam fut remplacé par une coalition de mouvements de guérilla à base ethnique... Show moreL'expérience de renouveau politique en Éthiopie est en cours depuis 1991, lorsque le régime du colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam fut remplacé par une coalition de mouvements de guérilla à base ethnique dirigée par l'EPRDF (Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front). La politique de restructuration démocratique du TGE (Transitional Government of Ethiopia) est fondée sur le postulat que la démocratisation ne pourra être établie qu'à travers la réalisation des droits ethniques des différentes 'nationalités' du pays. L'Éthiopie devrait donc devenir une fédération démocratique de régions-ethnies au lieu de rester un État unitaire. Cet article évoque les implications d'une telle ligne idéologique et évalue les élections 'démocratiques' tenues depuis 1992. Pour une partie croissante de la population, la politique de restructuration devient décevante. La République fédérale d'Éthiopie a été réalisée le 8 décembre 1994 avec l'adoption par l'Assemblée constituante de la nouvelle Constitution. Mais les partis d'opposition les plus importants ne sont pas satisfaits et ils sont tentés de boycotter les élections nationales prévues pour mai ou juin 1995. Postscriptum, réf Show less
Although the Ethiopian Transitional Government has been attempting since 1991 to set up new national and regional structures of administration and cooperation that may eventually lead to some form... Show moreAlthough the Ethiopian Transitional Government has been attempting since 1991 to set up new national and regional structures of administration and cooperation that may eventually lead to some form of locally entrenched, ethnic-based democracy, these are not yet fully in place in K„fa region in southern Ethiopia. This paper analyses the possibilities and constraints of the Ethiopian model by highlighting the increasing ethno-political tensions in this 'marginal' area, notably between the Dizi and the Suri in the Maji area. It examines the political and ecological factors which played a role in the recent upsurge of violence, and discusses the prospects for intervention and change. The paper is based on fieldwork carried out in the area during 1992 and 1993. Notes, ref Show less
There is, as yet, still no adequate theoretical idiom to conceptualize, in an accepted, conventional manner, the processes conditioning ethnic naming and the political-economic embeddedness of... Show moreThere is, as yet, still no adequate theoretical idiom to conceptualize, in an accepted, conventional manner, the processes conditioning ethnic naming and the political-economic embeddedness of cultural complexities. The traditional primordial-mobilization dichotomy in ethnic studies, with its heuristic and descriptive advantages, remains attractive. Nonetheless, it would be advantageous for future anthropological studies of ethnic groups and relations to focus on the processes of infrastructural political-ecological conditioning of ethnic labels and their symbolic use. An explanation in terms of the psychological, affective validity of ethnicity is at most a derivative of such a process and has more to do with the individual experience rather than the collective aspects of ethnicity. The case of Maji 'awraja' (subprovince) in southwestern Ethiopia, where the author conducted fieldwork in 1988-1990, serves as illustration. The ethnonyms in use here primarily reflect a history of politico-ecological conflict between various groups of different composition and not a smooth transfer of cultural heritages within well-defined "tribes", despite a popular local image to the contrary. State discourse and policy plays a crucial role in the process. The discussion is restricted to four groups: the Dizi, the Tishana-Me'en, the Surma (or Tirma) and the Northerners (or "Amhara"). Bibliogr., notes, ref Show less
