The paper explores the relationship between national and subnational authorities in Chile in the context of the government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic, particularly analyzing the principle... Show moreThe paper explores the relationship between national and subnational authorities in Chile in the context of the government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic, particularly analyzing the principle of coordination and the complexities of the state of emergency. The analysis is carried out in light of the constitutional provisions of the Chilean political system. Although subnational authorities developed significant activities to address the effects of the pandemic in their respective territories, particularly the local mayors, this was not accompanied by legal or practical reforms to integrate institutional or procedural changes to incorporate the subnational levels of government in the decision-making processes. During this state of emergency, the formal and informal institutions failed to be accountable for the necessary coordination of their competences at national, regional and local levels. Therefore, the COVID-19 pandemic, occurring during a nationwide constitution-making debate in Chile, opened the opportunity to discuss institutions and arrangements that could lead to an effective and legitimate system of intergovernmental relations in a decentralized unitary state. Show less
This dissertation takes an important step in understanding the phenomenon of non-take-up of social support and what it means for contemporary social policies. Even when sufficient services of... Show moreThis dissertation takes an important step in understanding the phenomenon of non-take-up of social support and what it means for contemporary social policies. Even when sufficient services of social support are being offered, it is not self-evident that all individuals who are in need of help will actually use those services. Different types of problems and barriers may inhibit their help-seeking process.Despite its apparent universality, our fundamental understanding of this non-take-up of social support is limited. This is problematic because failure to understand and effectively address non-take-up leaves social needs unattended to and will lead to higher welfare costs.To better understand the ‘how and why’ of this non-take-up, this study analyzes the lived experiences and perceptions of potential welfare clients in the Dutch municipality of The Hague. It discusses what the implications of these findings are for social policies. What can be learned from the problems and barriers that potential welfare clients experience in their daily lives? Researchers, policymakers and practitioners who work in and around the social domain may all benefit from the insights of this study. Show less
In this thesis, the (mal) functioning of the Senegalese state in the context of conflict (the Casamance crisis) is analyzed through four domains namely local administration, the security sectors,... Show moreIn this thesis, the (mal) functioning of the Senegalese state in the context of conflict (the Casamance crisis) is analyzed through four domains namely local administration, the security sectors, the borders and the communication domain where high ‘state density’ is expected in order to maintain its authority and sovereignty. However, the grip of the state on the social body remains weak and its powers are very limited in these sectors leading to necessary and continuous negotiations with other actors (traditional leaders, rebels, NGO, etc.), which sometimes are a serious threat to the state’s authority and are a symptom of its fragility. By using the metaphor of a sponge, hence the concept of “the Spontex State”, I demonstrate that, paradoxically, states in Africa in general, and the Senegalese state in particular, are keen to strategize their weakness. Their sponge-like characteristics permit a form of retractability. It allows absorbing and resisting forces that contest its power. Its retractability helps the state to avoid, at least partially, more serious confrontations with various actors. The capacity of retention and retraction of the sponge, reflected in the state, leads to great flexibility, through which the state sustains it grip and, ultimately, reinforces its overall authority. Show less
This dissertation deals with the unequal power relation between Santiago, the Chilean capital city, and the Northern region of Tarapacá in the period 1990-2010. Chile is one of the most... Show moreThis dissertation deals with the unequal power relation between Santiago, the Chilean capital city, and the Northern region of Tarapacá in the period 1990-2010. Chile is one of the most centralized countries in Latin America. Since the 1990s decentralization process has been started including a series of institutional reforms aiming to stimulate regional development. However, the existence of an old and strong centralist tradition (by which the central state practically dominates all aspects of social and economic policies applied in the regions) has impeded to produce a real shift of power between Santiago and the regions in favour of the latter. Within Chile’s extensive and uneven territory, there has been certain negligence in the way socio-territorial inequality has been expressed. Its legitimization has been made palpable in the collective imagination that agrees with the affirmation that ‘Santiago is Chile’; therefore, the regions have had little opportunity to shine. In the case of the Tarapacá region, central level responsibility has generated a certain level of dependence on special measures and subsidies. In the majority of the cases analyzed, the region ends up being subordinated to the decisions made centrally. It is not surprising, then, that protests and citizen uprisings in the most distant regions in the last few years have protested against centralism. Whether as a ‘state that abandoned its regions’, a ‘failed state’ in the process of decentralization or a state that ‘absorbs’ and ‘asphyxiates’ regions, the creation of territorial autonomy has become a topic with many nuances. /// Esta tesis analiza los cambios en el ordenamiento territorial del Estado en relación con las asimetrías e inequidades que evidencia el desarrollo territorial en Chile. Interesa observar las relaciones Estado-región en el contexto de transición democrática y reformas estructurales impulsadas por los gobiernos de La Concertación. Para ello, el estudio de caso de la Región de Tarapacá resalta como uno de los principales componentes de la estrategia metodológica, operando como un zoom de acercamiento a un proceso complejo y general. Además, la elección de este caso se relaciona con la designación de Tarapacá como región piloto del proceso de descentralización en Chile, donde se ha criticado el histórico abandono de las regiones por parte del Estado central y la aparente ineficacia de las políticas de regionalización y desarrollo regional. Así, interesa analizar cómo se ha desenvuelto la trayectoria del proceso de descentralización en Chile dentro de un escenario socioinstitucional transformacional y cuáles han sido los principales obstáculos en su diseño e implementación en vista de la necesidad de reducir las ingentes brechas interregionales e intrarregionales, el hipertrofiado crecimiento metropolitano y la superlativa injerencia del centralismo político sobre los asuntos del desarrollo de las regiones. Show less
The subject of this thesis is the administrative relation between the levels of authority in the Netherlands. Focus of attention within this study is the distribution of administrative tasks and... Show moreThe subject of this thesis is the administrative relation between the levels of authority in the Netherlands. Focus of attention within this study is the distribution of administrative tasks and legislative power between government tiers. And more particular the way it has developed since the constitutional reform in 1848; what motives have underpinned the fluctuating ways in which responsibilities and powers were divided. The constitutional reform of 1848 has laid the foundation for the current administrative structure. A three tiers-system forms the basis of its organisation. Decentralization, the transfer of functions and powers of the national government to the provinces and municipalities, gives meaning to the administrative stratification. This study shows that in The Netherlands the leitmotiv for decentralization is to improve the governmental performance; efficiency, standardization and simplification are recurring objectives. Decentralization is also often used as an instrument to resolve specific policy issues. A third motive for decentralisation is improvement of the administration and organisation of government. This study shows there is little debate about the underlying motives for decentralization. In some occasions articles of (constitutional) law are changed without any parliamentary debate whatsoever. Even if debate takes place, justifications are often unfounded or accompanied by defective reasoning. Show less
This book explains how Sharia, commonly called Perda Sharia (Sharia by-law) in Indonesia, was legislated on the provincial, regional and municipal level in West Sumatra. This process began after... Show moreThis book explains how Sharia, commonly called Perda Sharia (Sharia by-law) in Indonesia, was legislated on the provincial, regional and municipal level in West Sumatra. This process began after the government started a decentralization policy in 2000. Although the law of local autonomy prescribes that religious matters are excluded from the authority of local government, the legislation of Sharia by local authorities is justified by the argument that Sharia, in addition to Minangkabau custom (adat), has become an identity marker of the people (as goes the local maxim: ‘adat is based on Sharia, Sharia is based on the Quran’ [adat basandi Syara’, Syara’ basandi Kitabullah/ABSSBK]). The Sharia by-laws that are dealt with in this book fall into four categories: public morality, Muslim dress code, the obligation to be able to recite the Quran and Islamic charity institutions. This thesis examines the following stages of the realization of Sharia by-laws: the draft of a law, the public and parliamentary discussion and debates about it and finally its text and implementation. It is concluded that justification for local Sharia legislation is debatable, not in the least because there is no explicit rule that gives authority to the local governments to legislate Sharia laws Show less
The Philippine crocodile is a critically endangered species, endemic to the Philippine Islands. Indiscriminate hunting, the use of destructive fishing practices and the conversion of wetland... Show moreThe Philippine crocodile is a critically endangered species, endemic to the Philippine Islands. Indiscriminate hunting, the use of destructive fishing practices and the conversion of wetland habitat into rice fields continue to threaten the few remaining Philippine crocodile populations in the wild. This thesis describes the in-situ conservation efforts for the species in the northern Sierra Madre on Luzon by the Mabuwaya Foundation. Traditions, emotions and ethics form important reasons for rural communities in the northern Sierra Madre to support the conservation of the Philippine crocodile in their surroundings. But in contemporary conservation discourses such an argument is easily dismissed as hopelessly romantic, elitist or even irrational. In fact raising awareness, fostering pride and empowering rural communities to protect the resources they need and value is, in the end, a more pragmatic, pro-poor and rea listic strategy to mobilize local support for the protection of the Philippine crocodile than a narrow focus on generating economic incentives. Conservation efforts can be significantly strengthened if cultural and intrinsic values are taken into account. Pride, interest and respect offer the best hope for the survival of the Philippine crocodile in the 21st century. Show less
The concepts, policies, laws and practices regarding community-based forest management have changed over time. However, their objective is constant, namely to fight forest destruction and poverty... Show moreThe concepts, policies, laws and practices regarding community-based forest management have changed over time. However, their objective is constant, namely to fight forest destruction and poverty and to resolve conflicts regarding forest tenure. Securing community forest tenure is a way for achieving this objective. Forest tenure security, however, requires more than legalisation of community property rights by state law. It results from an interplay between state and/or community normative systems, actual practices and actors’ perceptions. Legalisation of rights by state institutions is only one facet of security, more specifically legal security of forest tenure that will be determined by the rights’ robustness, proper duration and strong legal protection. The security of community forest tenure will be also achieved through the ability of social norms to secure the rights of ordinary people. In addition, the consistent enforcement of the rules or norms by the officials or local authorities is necessary and the behaviour of these officials and local authorities must be in line with the interests and perception of the majority of community members. Last but not least, efforts of securing communities’ rights must take into consideration the specific history of land tenure and conflicts. Show less
Since the end of the twentieth century a broad and persistent movement away from centralized patterns of governance has become one of the defining trends in politics. In many new democracies the... Show moreSince the end of the twentieth century a broad and persistent movement away from centralized patterns of governance has become one of the defining trends in politics. In many new democracies the return to electoral politics has coincided with institutional reforms to promote decentralization. In Latin America, with its long and well-documented history of centralism, decentralization constitutes a departure from previous patterns of governance. This study seeks to shed light on the relationship between decentralization and political organization in Latin America, and aims to contribute to our understanding of how decentralization influences the way that conflicts in society are expressed, structured and managed through parties and party systems. Drawing on an in-depth study of Mexico as well as a comparative analysis of Latin American countries, it develops the argument that decentralization challenges political organization at the levels of party systems and organizations. The central contention is that a high level of decentralization can undermine the formation of nationalized party systems and cohesive parties. Decentralization affects the distribution of political and financial resources in the state and makes more resources available locally, and thus reshapes the context within which parties organize. Show less
Why did a conflict between a majority of settlers (Konkomba), claiming equal citizenship, and a minority of autochtons (Nanumba) produce both Ghana's largest incidents of ethnic cleansing and a... Show moreWhy did a conflict between a majority of settlers (Konkomba), claiming equal citizenship, and a minority of autochtons (Nanumba) produce both Ghana's largest incidents of ethnic cleansing and a subsequent ominous calm? Analysing the post-1996 peace accord Konkomba/Nanumba coexistence against their violent past and in Ghana's political context as one of Africa's promising nations, this ethnography shows that the conflict has two forms. One is sovereign violence and another is a persistent silence in relation to legalistic speeches. Breaking out of these forms may not so much require a reconciliation, as peace brokers proposed, but a political compromise. Martijn Wienia studied Cultural Anthropology, Development Sociology and African Studies at Leiden University. Currently, he works as policy officer with the WOTRO Science for Global Development division of the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) in The Hague. Show less
