Ooit de parel van het oostelijke Middellandse Zeegebied en de trots van de Grieks-Cyprioten: dewelvarende en mondaine badplaats Varósia. Tot de noodlottige Turkse invasie, ten gevolge waarvande... Show moreOoit de parel van het oostelijke Middellandse Zeegebied en de trots van de Grieks-Cyprioten: dewelvarende en mondaine badplaats Varósia. Tot de noodlottige Turkse invasie, ten gevolge waarvande stad van de buitenwereld werd afgesloten. Bijna een halve eeuw lang kon alleen van afstand naarde huizen en voormalige hotels gekeken worden. In 2020 besloten president Erdoğan en het Turks-Cypriotische bestuur echter om de poorten weer (deels) te openen, als ‘attractiepark’ voor toeristen.Een controversieel politiek besluit, maar bovenal een affront voor de vroegere inwoners van de stad.De heropening zette het versteende conflict op Cyprus andermaal op scherp. Show less
This research explores the relationship between combat and its cultural significance in the Bronze Age. By reconstructing the events surrounding the deliberate deposition of bronze weapons into... Show moreThis research explores the relationship between combat and its cultural significance in the Bronze Age. By reconstructing the events surrounding the deliberate deposition of bronze weapons into rivers, the study seeks to cast more light on the martial values and practices of the time. Experimental archaeology and micro-wear analysis are used to investigate the use-life of Bronze Age weaponry. A systematic experimental methodology to study the wear formation dynamics of bronze swords and spears is developed and applied.The wear formation dynamics are thoroughly studied with a focus on the relationship between the combat movement and style performed and the type of wear developed.A selection of Late Bronze Age weapons from watery depositions in the Low Countries has been found bearing marks consistent with (skilled) use in combat. The social significance of the practices and identities associated with the use of bronze weaponry is explored, suggesting that these weapons may have become prominent in Bronze Age martial discourse as a means of exhibiting qualities of risk-taking and prowess. Show less
In this dissertation, I focus on the question on how to resolve or reduce conflict, and specifically, on how to dissuade an attacking party from aggression. To this end, I introduced peaceful... Show moreIn this dissertation, I focus on the question on how to resolve or reduce conflict, and specifically, on how to dissuade an attacking party from aggression. To this end, I introduced peaceful alternatives for wealth generation to dyadic and intergroup attacker-defender contests, investigating how such opportunities impact conflict dynamics and outcomes. Across multiple projects, I studied the effects of production opportunities, the application of resource transfers in conflict resolution, and the effects of economic uncertainty on intergroup conflict. My results demonstrate that such alternatives can be effective in reducing attacker aggression and conflict, that both parties benefit from the reduction of conflict, and yet, that attackers benefit disproportionately due their ability to allocate resources more flexibly between conflict and outside options. Overall, this research makes a significant contribution to the existing literature on conflict (management) by providing both theory and empirical evidence for the effectiveness of peaceful alternatives for wealth generation in dissuading aggression and conflict, but also reveals some unexpected consequences, such as the disproportionate benefits for attackers, that must be addressed to create truly equitable and successful conflict resolution. Show less
Despite decades of research from psychology, anthropology, biology and economics, how social preferences arise and vary across contexts remains an open question. In three empirical chapters, this... Show moreDespite decades of research from psychology, anthropology, biology and economics, how social preferences arise and vary across contexts remains an open question. In three empirical chapters, this dissertation addresses this gap using a variety of economic games and neuroimaging techniques that allow for a tractable modeling of cooperation and competition. Overall, findings suggest that while social preferences are linked to neural structure, they can also adapt to environmental factors as well as beliefs about interaction partners. This doctoral thesis shows that interacting with ingroup or outgroup members, taking decisions publicly or privately, and knowing whether we may interact with others again affect our cooperative behavior. These results highlight the importance of understanding how prosociality may be altered and lay the foundations for policy makers to further those social environments that encourage prosocial behavior. Show less
Many Big Science projects and networks experience conflict. A plethora of disciplines have examined conflict causes in science collaboration and Big Science, contributing to a more nuanced... Show moreMany Big Science projects and networks experience conflict. A plethora of disciplines have examined conflict causes in science collaboration and Big Science, contributing to a more nuanced understanding of why conflicts emerge. Yet, so far, there is no theoretical model that explains which mechanisms connect conflict cause and outbreak in Big Science. Drawing on interdisciplinary literature on science collaboration and Big Science as well as on scholarship on strategic action fields (SAFs), I address this blind spot by proposing a model that outlines which mechanisms induce and fuel conflict in Big Science projects and networks. Five interlinked mechanisms – attribution of threat or opportunity, mobilization of resources, coalition-building, boundary deactivation and innovative action – are central to it. Tracing these mechanisms in conflictual episodes which emerged in three typical, yet most-different, Big Science cases – the International Experimental Thermonuclear Reactor (ITER), the Human Brain Project (HBP) and the Thirty Meter Telescope (TMT) – this study also provides a proof of concept for the model. Show less
How can we explain the increasing popularity of slam poetry among youth in societies colored by long histories of conflict and political repression? This article explores this question for the rise... Show moreHow can we explain the increasing popularity of slam poetry among youth in societies colored by long histories of conflict and political repression? This article explores this question for the rise of slam poetry in Chad, since 2014, a conflict-ridden country with an authoritarian regime and deep poverty, characteristics of a society in duress. In Francophone Africa we can speak of a slam poetry movement, where slam as a form of expression and the organization of (inter)national festivals has become a space of belonging for young people in Africa who must cope with societies in duress. The article is the result of my long engagement with the slam scene in francophone Africa. Show less
Waar vanaf 2012 de aandacht voornamelijk uitging naar westerlingen – waarvan ruim driehonderd uit Nederland – die zich en masse aansloten bij jihadistische groeperingen in Syrië en Irak, was er... Show moreWaar vanaf 2012 de aandacht voornamelijk uitging naar westerlingen – waarvan ruim driehonderd uit Nederland – die zich en masse aansloten bij jihadistische groeperingen in Syrië en Irak, was er veel minder aandacht voor de aantrekkingskracht van een ander conflict in de ring rond Europa: de Russisch-Oekraïense oorlog, die volgde op onder meer de annexatie van de Krim in 2014. In dit artikel bekijken de auteurs wat we weten over de Nederlandse strijders die naar Oekraïne gereisd zijn en wat dit voor gevolgen heeft. Show less
Based on multisited fieldwork in Kigali, Rwanda, Belgium, and the Netherlands following the political crisis in Burundi in 2015, we explore decisions and plans for the future among Burundians in... Show moreBased on multisited fieldwork in Kigali, Rwanda, Belgium, and the Netherlands following the political crisis in Burundi in 2015, we explore decisions and plans for the future among Burundians in exile. In this way, we contribute to research about future making and social reproduction in families in a transnational social field affected by crisis. Adding to the literature, we show the specific effects of crisis on transnational families’ practices and aspirations, such as parental efforts to prevent traumatic world views and the constant need for families to readjust their plans to ongoing crisis dynamics. We argue that as the violence has disrupted the migrant parents’ hopes for a better future for themselves, they redirect their efforts towards their children’s futures. We thus argue that not only future making practices but also aspirations should be seen as social and relational, particularly in times of crisis. In particular, the Burundians living in Rwanda, Belgium and the Netherlands seek to provide their offspring with the skills to become educated, social and moral beings, even it entails sacrificing their own lives and aspirations. Moreover, adding to debates on migrants’ efforts to reproduce their own cultural values and practices in host societies, we find that the Burundian parents attempt to change what they perceive as a ‘culture of hatred and vengeance’ with parenting practices. As such, we argue that many migrant parents explicitly pursue social transformation through their children. Show less
This paper offers a political analysis of the development of the TPLF-induced armed conflict in northern Ethiopia and considers the international responses in media and international policy circles... Show moreThis paper offers a political analysis of the development of the TPLF-induced armed conflict in northern Ethiopia and considers the international responses in media and international policy circles. The extension of the conflict by the TPLF after the unilateral ceasefire proclaimed by the federal government on 28 June 2021 (followed by its retreat from Tigray) did not lead to an easing of the fighting. On the contrary, the TPLF used scorched-earth tactics, perpetrated substantial abuse of civilians (mass killings, burning down villages, destroying and looting hospitals, health centres and other economic infrastructure), and created food scarcity, hundreds of thousands of IDPs and hugely aggravated humanitarian problems in the Amhara and Afar regions. In spite of this unilateral TPLF extension of the armed conflict, the responses of international policy circles, notably from the Western ‘donor countries’ and the UN, have been negative towards the federal government and mild on the TPLF.This paper explores aspects of this paradoxical and problematic approach and argues that it will not lead to a political or other solution of the conflict, especially not in view of the undiminished belligerent strategy of the TPLF. The Ethiopian federal government and its leader PM Abiy Ahmed, having been confirmed in power after a relatively successful and credible parliamentary election on 21 June 2021, are pressurized by much of the global media and Western policy makers for the problems in Tigray – including the ‘famine’ declared by TPLF - and urged to negotiate. The TPLF, incorrectly identified with the people of Tigray as a whole, is not held to account. But an overbearing Western approach based on the threat of sanctions (by the US government) and on what often seem ‘neo-imperialist’ demands, as evident from serious interference in the conflict - even by a number of UN individuals (expelled from the country on 30 September 2021) - will not contribute to political negotiations or dialogue, restoration of peace, or rehabilitation of the war-torn regions, neither to stability in Ethiopia. Not only improved media reporting, based on solid local (Ethiopian) information and checking sources, but also a fundamental reset of certain UN and Western donor country policies on Ethiopia, are needed.RésuméCette étude propose une analyse politique du développement du conflit armé induit par les TPLF dans le nord de l'Éthiopie et examine les réponses internationales dans les médias et les cercles politiques internationaux. L'extension du conflit par le TPLF après le cessez-le-feu unilatéral proclamé par le gouvernement fédéral le 28 juin 2021 (suivi de son retrait du Tigré) n'a pas conduit à un apaisement des combats ; au contraire. Les tactiques de la terre brûlée, les abus sérieux contre les civils (meurtres en masse, incendies de villages, pillage et destruction des hôpitaux et autres infrastructures économiques), la pénurie alimentaire, des centaines de milliers de déplacés internes et des problèmes humanitaires extrêmement aggravés dans les régions d'Amhara et d'Afar en ont été le résultat. Malgré cette extension unilatérale du conflit par le TPLF, les réponses des cercles politiques internationaux, notamment des pays « bailleurs-de-fonds » occidentaux et de l'ONU, ont été négatives envers le gouvernement fédéral mais modérées envers le TPLF. Show less
As the violent civil war in South Sudan comes to a formal end, peace is made by power-sharing between political competitors. Crucial positions are not elected but distributed through a ‘warlord... Show moreAs the violent civil war in South Sudan comes to a formal end, peace is made by power-sharing between political competitors. Crucial positions are not elected but distributed through a ‘warlord politics’, providing rewards to those who ‘went to the bush’ to fight the war. Bruno Braak describes this process with the example of a rebel commander-turned-governor in the country’s Western Equatoria State. Show less
The interplay between peace and justice plays an important role in any contemporary conflict. Peace can be described in a variety ways, as being 'negative' or 'positive', 'liberal' or 'democratic'.... Show moreThe interplay between peace and justice plays an important role in any contemporary conflict. Peace can be described in a variety ways, as being 'negative' or 'positive', 'liberal' or 'democratic'. But what is it that makes a peace just? This book draws together leading scholars to study this concept of a 'just peace', analysing different elements of the transition from conflict to peace.The volume covers six core themes: conceptual approaches towards just peace, macro-principles, the nexus to security and stability, protection of persons and public goods, rule of law, and economic reform and accountability. Contributions engage with understudied issues, such as the pros and cons of robust UN mandates, the link between environmental protection and indigenous peoples, the treatment of illegal settlements, the feasibility of vetting practices, and the protection of labour rights in post-conflict economies. Overall, the book puts forward a case that just peace requires not only negotiation, agreement, and compromise, but contextual understandings of law, multiple dimensions of justice, and strategies of prevention. Show less
The thesis has been an attempt to make sense of the political discourse in Kashmir from the early 1940s till the emergence of the popular uprising in the Valley towards the late 1980s. The thesis... Show moreThe thesis has been an attempt to make sense of the political discourse in Kashmir from the early 1940s till the emergence of the popular uprising in the Valley towards the late 1980s. The thesis has tried to underscore the fragmented nature of the political in Kashmir, and the implications it has had on the politics of the region, particularly on the politics of rai-shumari (self determination) and aazadi. These inner fragments or contradictions that underline the political life in Kashmir may be attributed, as the thesis has sought to argue, to the multiple political subjectivities that constitute ‘Kashmiri people’ as a community. Show less
Africa is at the lower end of internet use, but Facebook connectivity is rapidly increasing, linking diaspora and local people in mainly urban regions in Africa. A survey conducted in N’Djaména... Show moreAfrica is at the lower end of internet use, but Facebook connectivity is rapidly increasing, linking diaspora and local people in mainly urban regions in Africa. A survey conducted in N’Djaména revealed that 1 in 10 people uses Facebook, which is an important platform for these connected Chadians to express feelings, write thoughts, and create networks (i.e., to create a social life). In countries where daily conflict, oppression, insecurity, and mistrust pervade social life, posts and messages engage with these circumstances in a certain dialogue, which can be understood as an expression of duress. This article follows three Facebook users from both the diaspora and N’Djaména, and I position their Facebook expressions and actions in the context of their personal lives in contemporary Chadian political and connectivity history. Facebook appears to be an escape route from the reality of duress, and a form of practical action coupled with political agency. Show less
The enduring experience of hardship, in the form of layers of various crises, can become deeply ingrained in a society, and people can come to act and react under these conditions as if they lead a... Show moreThe enduring experience of hardship, in the form of layers of various crises, can become deeply ingrained in a society, and people can come to act and react under these conditions as if they lead a normal life. This process is explored through the analytical concept of duress, which contains three elements: enduring and accumulating layers of hardship over time, the normalization of this hardship, and a form of deeply constrained agency. We argue that decisions made in duress have a significant impact on the social and political structures of society. This concept of duress is used as a lens to understand the lives of individual people and societies in Central and West Africa that have a long history of ecological, political, and social conflicts and crises. Show less
