Countries routinely translate official statements and state media articles from native languages to English. Over time, these articles provide a window into what each government is trying to... Show moreCountries routinely translate official statements and state media articles from native languages to English. Over time, these articles provide a window into what each government is trying to portray to the world. The FOCUSdata Project provides years’ worth of text and language sentiment ratings for hundreds of thousands of articles from state media and ministry of foreign affairs’ websites from North Korea, China, Russia, and Iran. Information is an important foreign policy tool and national security strategists analyze how it influences the attitudes and behaviors of foreign audiences. This article introduces the FOCUSdata Project and shows how the sentiment data provide unique abilities to analyze Russia's and Iran's reactions to US policies and events and NGO human rights campaigns. Evaluating countries’ official narratives improves understanding of government signals to outside actors, reactions to crises and foreign policy tools, and interests regarding (un)favorable developments. Governments’ sentiment provides unique explanatory power. Show less
If fiscal decentralization promotes growth, why do some regions decentralize more than others? This article identifies the growing divergence of fiscal centralization among Chinese cities and... Show moreIf fiscal decentralization promotes growth, why do some regions decentralize more than others? This article identifies the growing divergence of fiscal centralization among Chinese cities and explains it in a public finance framework. It argues that fiscal decentralization and its economy-liberalizing effect entail significant short-term fiscal risk. The more a locality relies on uncompetitive business ownership for fiscal revenue, the less likely fiscal decentralization is to occur. This article compiles a dataset of 20 provincial capitals between 1999 and 2016 to test for the connection between a city’s tax base and its fiscal centralization level. It then pairs two “most similar” cities to trace how fiscal security concerns drove their fiscal and economic policies apart. This article adds a micro-level perspective to the literature on fiscal federalism. By pointing out the fiscal constraints confronting local governments, it offers a new angle to understand the different growth paths of Chinese cities. Show less
Yuan, R.; Behrens, P.A.; Dias Rodrigues, J.F. 2018
Energy-related CO2emissions in China have been extensively investigated. However, the mechanisms of how energy-related emissions are driven by inter-sectoral linkages remains unexplored. In this... Show moreEnergy-related CO2emissions in China have been extensively investigated. However, the mechanisms of how energy-related emissions are driven by inter-sectoral linkages remains unexplored. In this paper, a subsystem input-output model was developed to investigate the temporal and sectoral changes of emissions in China from 1997 to 2012. We decomposed total emissions into internal, spillover, feedback, and direct components. Our results show that the equipment manufacturing, construction and services sectors are the main sources of emissions during the whole period, which have a larger spillover component, primarily through indirect upstream emissions in the heavy-manufacturing, transportation, and power sectors. The emissions from the power and transportation sectors are dominated by direct rather than the spillover emissions. The shares of the feedback and internal components in the heavy manufacturing sectors were significantly higher than those of other sectors. Our results suggest that further addressing carbon emissions along the supply chain of equipment manufacturing, construction and services sectors, and improving technologies in the heavy manufacturing and power sectors holds important future opportunities for curbing the rapid growth of carbon emissions in China. Show less
As evidenced by Goal No. 14 of the UN's Sustainable Development Goals, the importance of oceans governance as a matter of global policy can hardly be overstated. The unsustainable uses of their... Show moreAs evidenced by Goal No. 14 of the UN's Sustainable Development Goals, the importance of oceans governance as a matter of global policy can hardly be overstated. The unsustainable uses of their resources could lead to serious consequences, not only for coastal communities, but remote landlocked countries as well. This special section aims to take the international community's clarion call for effective norms, institutions, and multi-stakeholder cooperation back to the oceans through three topical case studies. Each in its own way illustrates humanity's high stakes in blue growth, offering recommendations on how states and governments must craft coherent, effective, and actionable policies to make sustainable oceans governance a reality. Claire van der Geest's article opens the special section with a focus on the Indian Ocean and the need to redesign its fisheries governance. Hongzhou Zhang and Fengshi Wu subsequently investigate two of the most significant structural shifts of China's marine fisheries sector in the past decades, namely, going outward and focusing on high market value species. James Malcolm concludes the special section by switching attention to small island developing states, arguing that sustainable oceans governance for them represents not ‘only’ an environmental or economic concern, but indeed a matter of national security. Show less
The SCO is a political, economic, and security organization that started its security policy in arms control and subsequently developed war games. Conversely, the CSTO is a military alliance with... Show moreThe SCO is a political, economic, and security organization that started its security policy in arms control and subsequently developed war games. Conversely, the CSTO is a military alliance with collective armed forces. The military exercises of the CSTO are focused on conventional warfare, peacekeeping, antinarcotics, counterterrorism, and disaster relief. The SCO conducts counterinsurgency drills, as well as large-scale conventional warfare games. The dominating role of Russia and China in CSTO and SCO is also reflected in the military exercises of these bodies. The views that Central Asian countries put forward in SCO and CSTO are not coordinated on a Central Asian regional level but usually only serve national interests. There is no such thing as a common Central Asian approach to security. Show less
This article examines the security policy of the Central Asian (CA) states, by comparing theory (security documents) with practice (the actual security challenges). The lack of CA regional ... Show moreThis article examines the security policy of the Central Asian (CA) states, by comparing theory (security documents) with practice (the actual security challenges). The lack of CA regional (security) cooperation and authoritarian rule puts political and economic stability at stake. The internal and external threats are partly caused by the CA regimes themselves: Political opposition groups are often described as terrorists and/or blamed to be connected to Islamic State (IS). There is hardly any effort toward improving social-economic circumstances, which would take away grounds for (Islamic) radicalization. Moreover, the CA governments are themselves responsible for regional border, water, and energy disputes. Political unrest and radicalization, IS, as well as terrorism and drugs from Afghanistan could become serious threats to the survival of CA governments. Show less
Obvious partners for NATO in the (Far) East are Russia and China. With Russia the Alliancecooperates through the NATO-Russia Council (NRC). China, as a rising international power, canalso no longer... Show moreObvious partners for NATO in the (Far) East are Russia and China. With Russia the Alliancecooperates through the NATO-Russia Council (NRC). China, as a rising international power, canalso no longer be neglected by NATO. But so far only mutual high-level visits have been conducted.Furthermore, as strategic partners, China and Russia share a negative attitude towards the West. Theyhave issued joint statements against the U.S.–Japanese initiative to develop a theatre anti-missilesystem in Asia, NATO enlargement, NATO’s ‘interventionist’ Strategic Concept of 1999 (justifying itsmilitary action in Kosovo), President Bush’s 2002 decision to annul the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treatywith Russia, and against the US/NATO missile defense shield. Furthermore, Moscow and Beijing takethe lead in international (security) organizations in the Far East region: the Collective Security TreatyOrganization (CSTO) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Show less
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, a wide-ranging improvement of bilateral relations developed between China and Russia. Nowadays, Russia and China maintain a strategic partnership consisting... Show moreAfter the collapse of the Soviet Union, a wide-ranging improvement of bilateral relations developed between China and Russia. Nowadays, Russia and China maintain a strategic partnership consisting of comprehensive cooperation in the areas of diplomacy, defence and security, as well as energy. However, whereas Russia until recently took the lead in the relationship between Beijing and Moscow, this has now turned around: China has become stronger than Russia. During the course of the last decade, more and more signals have appeared that the Sino–Russian teamwork is crumbling. What will the security relationship between Moscow and Beijing look like in the future? Show less
The current and increasing interest of local, regional and global actors in the region is related, in particular, to the possible reserves of oil and natural gas in the Caspian Sea. After the... Show moreThe current and increasing interest of local, regional and global actors in the region is related, in particular, to the possible reserves of oil and natural gas in the Caspian Sea. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, slumbering ethnic sentiments were unleashed and developed into violent conflicts. Subsequently, weak state structures and tense relations between ethic groups have caused instability, political disagreement, conflicts and economic decline. Furthermore, in addition to local reasons for conflict, the political-strategic and economic importance of the South Caucasus has been ground for (attempts at) involvement in this area by states and organisations, such as Iran, Turkey, Russia, the USA, NATO and the EU. Show less
