The 500th anniversary of the cultural patron and literary figure of the later Timurid period Mir Niẓām al-Dīn ʿAli Shīr Navāʾī (844–906 AH/AD 1441–1501; at present also Alisher Navaʾi, Alisher... Show moreThe 500th anniversary of the cultural patron and literary figure of the later Timurid period Mir Niẓām al-Dīn ʿAli Shīr Navāʾī (844–906 AH/AD 1441–1501; at present also Alisher Navaʾi, Alisher Navoi, hereafter:) was scheduled for 1941. As early as 1937, a special committee for the Alisher Navoi Jubilee was created in Tashkent. At the same time, another committee was organized under the Soviet Writers’ Union in Moscow, which oversaw preparations for union-level writers’ tributes, commemorative events and publications in Russia. The Tashkent Alisher Navoi Jubilee Committee involved prominent Russian and Uzbek scholars, writers such as Ṣadr al-Dīn ʿAynī (1878–1954; hereafter Sadriddin Ayni), and artists, as well as cultural administrators and political leaders including the then-First Secretary of the Uzbek Communist Party Usman Yusupovich Yusupov (1901–1966).1 In 1938 the Communist Party of the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic (UzSSR) acquired an official approval from the Soviet People’s Commissariat and the Central Committee of the Soviet Communist Party to celebrate the 500th birthday of the “Great Uzbek poet, Alisher Navaʾi” at the end of 1941.2 However, the actual jubilee was postponed due to the breakout of the Second World War and it subsequently took place in 1948.3The purpose of the celebrations was to offer a new narrative about the progressive potential of the Central Asian peoples and to remind all Soviet citizens that Central Asia had a rich cultural heritage and was not a remote region inhabited by illiterate nomads. In particular the ancient city of Samarqand had a thriving sedentary culture, sophisticated architectural traditions and an influential scientific elite.4The choice of local historical figures was undoubtedly prompted by the Soviet policies of indigenization (korenizatsiia) according to which every titular nationality within the Soviet Union should be governed by its own people.5 Furthermore, the local Soviet citizens had the right to education and cultural development in their own language. In that aspect the literary legacy of Navoi was branded as formative since his poetic oeuvre was composed in Chaghatay, a language regarded as the precursor of modern Uzbek. According to the Russian orientalist Aleksandr Iur’evich Iakubovskii (1886–1953), the “ingenious Navoi” (genial’nyi Navoi)6 was the cultured predecessor of all Uzbeks. The literary importance of Navoi as the “ancestor” (rodonachal’nik)7 of Uzbek literature and “founder” (osnovopolozhnik)8 of the Uzbek language has been widely examined.9 My study will focus on the two archaeological expeditions that took place in Samarqand in the summer of 1941 under the aegis of the Alisher Navoi Jubilee, and on the ways in which they have shaped our knowledge and understanding of the Timurids, and their propaganda value for the Soviet regime.Before I proceed with the archaeological excavations, I would like to point out that the date for the jubilee was not defined by the lunar Hijra or the solar Jalali calendars used in Navoi’s lifetime. In 1941 the 500th birthday anniversary was calculated based on the Gregorian year 1441. The Gregorian calendar was introduced on the territories under Soviet-control by a decree of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Soviet Union (Sovnarkom) in 1918. The calendar was officially adopted by the Uzbek SSR after its proclamation in November 1924. However, double dating in both Hijra and Gregorian formats was still common practice for example in endowment (waqf) deeds of the Bukharan SSR (1920–1924), which were officially managed by the central Soviet administration while relying on local Islamic judiciary.10 By the late 1930s the Gregorian calendar was widely embraced across the Soviet Union. In line with the atheistic propaganda, the choice of the date by the specially appointed Jubilee Committee may have been a clear sign of the ideological break with the Islamic daily routine and prayers under the Soviet regime. The Hijra calendar was used up until the 1930s not only to record time but to organize religious activities throughout the day across Central Asia.Firstly, I will outline the historical context surrounding the commemorative 500th Jubilee of Alisher Navoi in 1941 and the political narrative that prompted excavations by two archaeological teams in Samarqand.11 Based on the their findings, kept at several Uzbek museums and archives,12 I will discuss the opening of the tombs of Timur and Ulugh Beg in the dynastic mausoleum of Gūr-i Amīr (ca. 1400–1440s) by the first team. Afterwards I will describe the architecture of the China pavilion (chīnīkhāna) of Ulugh Beg (ca. 1420s) by using drawings and archaeological reports from 1941 compiled by the second team. Unfortunately, the abundance of archaeological materials excavated around these two Timurid sites have been partially lost due to successive restorations after the Second World War or remain unpublished. The purpose of this article is to present the archaeological findings to the wider public and to contextualize as much as possible the role of the jubilee in promoting not so much the literary figure of Alisher Navoi but in elevating Ulugh Beg as one of the most educated men of his time, a sedentary statesman, scholar and diplomat. Given the limited scope of the text, I analyse exclusively Samarqand in 1941 and not the actual commemorative festivities of the Navoi Jubilee in 1948. Show less
Neanderthals are known primarily from their habitation of Western Eurasia, but they also populated large expanses of Northern Asia for thousands of years. Owing to a sparse archaeological record,... Show moreNeanderthals are known primarily from their habitation of Western Eurasia, but they also populated large expanses of Northern Asia for thousands of years. Owing to a sparse archaeological record, relatively little is known about these eastern Neanderthal populations. Unlike in their western range, there are limited zooarchaeological and paleobotanical studies that inform us about the nature of their subsistence. Here, we perform a combined analysis of carbon and nitrogen stable isotopes on bone collagen and microbotanical remains in dental calculus to reconstruct the diet of eastern Neanderthals at Chagyrskaya Cave in the Altai Mountains of Southern Siberia, Russia. Stable isotopes identify one individual as possessing a high trophic level due to the hunting of large- and medium-sized ungulates, while the analysis of dental calculus also indicates the presence of plants in the diet of this individual and others from the site. These findings indicate eastern Neanderthals may have had broadly similar subsistence patterns to those elsewhere in their range. Show less
Tabyshova, A.; Emilov, B.; Postma, M.J.; Chavannes, N.H.; Sooronbaev, T.; J.F.M. van boven 2020
Prevalence data of respiratory diseases (RDs) in Central Asia (CA) and Russia are contrasting. To inform future research needs and assist government and clinical policy on RDs, an up-to-date... Show morePrevalence data of respiratory diseases (RDs) in Central Asia (CA) and Russia are contrasting. To inform future research needs and assist government and clinical policy on RDs, an up-to-date overview is required. We aimed to review the prevalence and economic burden of RDs in CA and Russia. PubMed and EMBASE databases were searched for studies that reported prevalence and/or economic burden of RDs (asthma, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), cystic fibrosis, interstitial lung diseases (ILD), lung cancer, pulmonary hypertension, and tuberculosis (TB)) in CA (Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan) and Russia. A total of 25 articles (RD prevalence: 18; economics: 7) were included. The majority (n = 12), mostly from Russia, reported on TB. TB prevalence declined over the last 20 years, to less than 100 per 100,000 across Russia and CA, yet in those, multidrug-resistant tuberculosis (MDR-TB) was alarming high (newly treated: 19-26%, previously treated: 60-70%). COPD, asthma (2-15%) and ILD (0.006%) prevalence was only reported for Russia and Kazakhstan. No studies on cystic fibrosis, lung cancer and pulmonary hypertension were found. TB costs varied between US$400 (Tajikistan) and US$900 (Russia) for drug-susceptible TB to >= US$10,000 for MDR-TB (Russia). Non-TB data were scarce and inconsistent. Especially in CA, more research into the prevalence and burden of RDs is needed. Show less
The quick rise of commercially viable renewable energy worldwide presents encouraging opportunities for sustainable growth, but it also portends new risks. Hydrocarbon-producing nations of Eurasia... Show moreThe quick rise of commercially viable renewable energy worldwide presents encouraging opportunities for sustainable growth, but it also portends new risks. Hydrocarbon-producing nations of Eurasia have typically strongly relied on geographic proximity to their most lucrative export market: Europe. Yet the revolutionary nature of Europe's ‘Green Deal’ means that their position is under threat. While the demand-side ramifications of the global low-carbon transition are widely discussed, little consideration has been given to the inevitable implications for hydrocarbons producers, particularly in the less-studied central Asian region. This article draws attention to the interconnections between hydrocarbon rents, regime stability and new foreign policy strategies in Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan in the wake of the global shift away from oil to renewable energy. By so doing, it systematically examines what implications the energy transition has on crucial petrostates in central Asia, and what this, in turn, means for international stability. Show less
This paper focuses on shifts in foreign energy policy in key Central Asian petrostates in the context of the global energy transition. It draws attention to the interconnections between hydrocarbon... Show moreThis paper focuses on shifts in foreign energy policy in key Central Asian petrostates in the context of the global energy transition. It draws attention to the interconnections between hydrocarbon rents, regime stability, and new foreign policy strategies in Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan. The paper advances the argument that, instead of reducing economic overdependence on hydrocarbons for Central Asian petrostates, the global energy transition has spurred the desperate search for new hydrocarbon customers. This is due to the continued, and often unchecked, power of hydrocarbon elites, and leads to structural and economic distortionsthat are not easily undone, even by the current oil crash. Show less
China’s displacement of Russian economic influence in Central Asia is generating great interest in Western academic and policy circles, but this research has, as yet, yielded few analytical... Show moreChina’s displacement of Russian economic influence in Central Asia is generating great interest in Western academic and policy circles, but this research has, as yet, yielded few analytical nuances. This article attempts to shed light on the under-researched question of what explains Central Asian governments’ failure to more effectively capitalize on the growing Central-Asian rivalry between Russia, China, the United States, Turkey, Iran, South Korea, Japan and other regional powers that, since the early 1990s, have been overwhelmingly directed towards strategic energy considerations and hydrocarbon interests. Show less
China’s influence in neighboring Central Asian states is growing at a fast pace. Since the launch of the One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative to accelerate China’s engagement in Central Asia and... Show moreChina’s influence in neighboring Central Asian states is growing at a fast pace. Since the launch of the One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative to accelerate China’s engagement in Central Asia and beyond, nearly all Chinese activity in this region has been gathered under OBOR. OBOR now seems to cover a plethora of spatially and temporally expanding state and privately driven projects. In this paper, I discuss large- and small-scale Chinese farm enterprises in Tajikistan, in which discussions around China’s “global land investments” and OBOR intersect. Beneath abstract conceptualizations of OBOR and the Chinese presence in Central Asia, my analysis shows that Chinese land investments in Tajikistan are shaped by Chinese dynamics of agrarian change and are contingent upon country-specific conditions. Rather than state-led endeavors as is often assumed, the main Chinese actors in Tajik agriculture are capitalist yet partially state-embedded enterprises driven by profit-oriented goals. Chinese farm enterprises tap into specific market demands that are either unanswered or underdeveloped in Tajikistan, or which have emerged due to the growing number of Chinese consumers in Tajikistan. The nature and drivers of Chinese land acquisitions in Tajikistan shed light on the various, sometimes competing, factors driving China’s broader foreign “land rush,” in Central Asia (and beyond). Show less
This article examines the security policy of the Central Asian (CA) states, by comparing theory (security documents) with practice (the actual security challenges). The lack of CA regional ... Show moreThis article examines the security policy of the Central Asian (CA) states, by comparing theory (security documents) with practice (the actual security challenges). The lack of CA regional (security) cooperation and authoritarian rule puts political and economic stability at stake. The internal and external threats are partly caused by the CA regimes themselves: Political opposition groups are often described as terrorists and/or blamed to be connected to Islamic State (IS). There is hardly any effort toward improving social-economic circumstances, which would take away grounds for (Islamic) radicalization. Moreover, the CA governments are themselves responsible for regional border, water, and energy disputes. Political unrest and radicalization, IS, as well as terrorism and drugs from Afghanistan could become serious threats to the survival of CA governments. Show less
In this study, the formation of the Tocharian subjunctive is described, its use and meaning are analysed and its origins are investigated. The two Tocharian languages A and B are known to us... Show moreIn this study, the formation of the Tocharian subjunctive is described, its use and meaning are analysed and its origins are investigated. The two Tocharian languages A and B are known to us through Buddhist manuscripts from ca. 400-1200 CE that were found along the Northern Silk Road in Xīnjiāng, China. Tocharian A and B are closely related, and they belong to the Indo-European language family. It is argued that the Tocharian subjunctive is closest to the present as far as the endings are concerned, while the formation of its stem is rather parallel to the preterite. Thus, the subjunctive is essentially a kind of "second present" formed from the preterite stem. In main clauses, the basic meaning of the subjunctive is future: different kinds of modal readings are often possible, but they are the result of inference. In subclauses, a variety of uses is found, for instance conditionality, iterativity, uncertainty, finality and indefiniteness. The Tocharian subjunctive is derived from the Proto-Indo-European aorist stem, a perfective stem next to the imperfective present stem. The meaning of the subjunctive can be derived from that of a "perfective present", which it still is morphologically on the synchronic level. Show less
Can economic growth in the industrialised world, and burgeoning industrialisation in the developing world, continue without access to fossil fuels? The short answer is no, because the survival of... Show moreCan economic growth in the industrialised world, and burgeoning industrialisation in the developing world, continue without access to fossil fuels? The short answer is no, because the survival of societies, and thus states, depends on economic dynamism and technological innovation, which are impossible without access to raw materials and fossil fuels. This is why, since the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the vast gas and oil reserves of the Caspian Region have become the object of the latest phase of the 'Great Game'. Show less
Perestroika, followed by independence, offered Central Asian republics of the Soviet Union religious freedom. Several Christian—especially Protestant—organizations developed missionary projects and... Show morePerestroika, followed by independence, offered Central Asian republics of the Soviet Union religious freedom. Several Christian—especially Protestant—organizations developed missionary projects and established new churches. Representatives of “local” religions, Islam as well as, Russian Orthodoxy, have allied to put pressure on governments in order to curb proselytizing and restrict religious conversion. While it is difficult to ignore the claims put forward by the main religious communities, most governments tolerate the growth of religious diversity, albeit at varying degrees. Show less
The vision of Islam as it is practised in the post-socialist context is very confused at the moment. It is associated either with 'the revival of local pre-modern traditions' and thus with the... Show moreThe vision of Islam as it is practised in the post-socialist context is very confused at the moment. It is associated either with 'the revival of local pre-modern traditions' and thus with the localization of postsocialist Muslim space, or with 'the spread of Islamism absolutely alien to local Muslim traditions', introduced to countries of the former socialist bloc from abroad and fraught with their Islamist globalization. Post-socialist forms of Islam are often thought of as an 'Islamic threat' opposing all non-Muslim cultures. Show less
Muslim modernism in Central Asia at the turn of the twentieth century remains virtually unknown to scholars of Muslim cultural history. What little we know comes through a thick prism of... Show moreMuslim modernism in Central Asia at the turn of the twentieth century remains virtually unknown to scholars of Muslim cultural history. What little we know comes through a thick prism of nationalist or Soviet historiography that loses the Islamic dimension of the movement. Yet, approaching Jadidism, as this movement is usually called, as a Muslim movement allows us to broaden our understanding of the Muslim world’s encounter with modernity, and to reconsider many of the categories we habitually invoke in studying the Muslim world. Show less
