This article analyses the United Kingdom’s (UK) ‘trade continuity programme’. The promise that, once outside the European Union (EU), the UK would strike new, lucrative trade deals continues to be... Show moreThis article analyses the United Kingdom’s (UK) ‘trade continuity programme’. The promise that, once outside the European Union (EU), the UK would strike new, lucrative trade deals continues to be an important part of the Brexiteers’ narrative. What the UK was compelled to do first, however, was to conclude ‘roll-over’ agreements to replace the trade agreements already made by the EU. This article posits that, contrary to expectations, the UK’s continuity programme should be regarded as a success – for both the UK and the EU. In most cases, the UK managed to replicate to a very large extent the terms originally granted to the EU, despite being a smaller market and despite challenging circumstances. From the EU’s perspective, the UK’s continuity programme can be regarded as a case of successful norm internalization and export. This first chapter of post-Brexit UK trade policy shows that even a country that has left the EU still legally commits itself and its partners to the EU’s norms and values. Hence, the EU should welcome the UK’s imitation as a shared normative basis to expand cooperation with its former member state in a challenging geopolitical environment. Show less
The United Kingdom’s relationship with the European Union was supposed to be definitively settled several times during the past decade – yet it was not. The 2016 referendum brought about a surge in... Show moreThe United Kingdom’s relationship with the European Union was supposed to be definitively settled several times during the past decade – yet it was not. The 2016 referendum brought about a surge in interest in legal questions, especially of EU law and international economic law. This presented scholars with a questionable gift: on the one hand, countless new opportunities for research, publications, and public visibility; on the other, the curse of chasing a rapidly and at times erratically moving target. Therefore, this essay reflects on the continued relevance of Brexit scholarship and different strategies for extending its shelf-life. It argues that the relevance of this scholarship may indeed extend into the future when foresighted and innovative approaches are being put forward. Looking ahead, the essay observes that the Windsor Framework to overhaul the Northern Ireland Protocol likely marks the end point of the frenzied and fraught EU-UK relationship between 2016 and 2023. The essay concludes that, while disagreements will continue, the EU-UK relationship as a topic is entering a period of normalization. Rigorous legal and innovative interdisciplinary scholarship will remain necessary both to develop EU-UK relations as a sub-topic of its own and to embed it into wider discourses of EU and international law. Show less
In 2018, the European Commission proposed a €100 billion research and innovation program to succeed its 8th Framework Program (FP) for Research and Innovation (Horizon 2020) that ran between 2014... Show moreIn 2018, the European Commission proposed a €100 billion research and innovation program to succeed its 8th Framework Program (FP) for Research and Innovation (Horizon 2020) that ran between 2014-2020.The European Union (EU) Institutions reached an agreement on 11 December 2020, which set the budget for the 9th FP (Horizon Europe) at €95.5 billion. This paper examines the transition from FP8 to FP9, as well as providing a brief historical account covering from FP1 to the present day, and discusses the specific European Union legal acts that allowed for the establishment of Horizon Europe. Further, the paper examines some of the key contentious points found before, during and after the establishment of Horizon Europe. These include the budget, the status of the United Kingdom's membership following Brexit, issues in the deployment of technology, the creation of Public-Private-Partnerships known as Joint Undertakings, and the participation of third-country members in these Public-Private-Partnerships. The paper ends with a call for participation, whereby it prompts stakeholders to apply for funding and to also shape future possible future opportunities, as the scientific community has a fundamental role in the development and success of Horizon Europe funding. Show less
On 31 January 2020 the United Kingdom (UK) left the European Union (EU). In the European Parliament (EP), Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) cried together and folded flags. It marked the... Show moreOn 31 January 2020 the United Kingdom (UK) left the European Union (EU). In the European Parliament (EP), Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) cried together and folded flags. It marked the end of an era. At the end of that year, after much agony, the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) was signed on 24 December 2020 and the ratification was completed in April 2021. The TCA allows both entities tariff-free, quota-free access to markets for goods. Services are not part of the TCA. Part of the agreement are also fishing rights as well as cooperation in the area of security (e.g., in the area of information sharing security related to matters of internal security), but no mention of security and defence collaboration. There are still many unresolved issues. Some of these issues involve fishing matters (Reuters, 2021). But collaboration in security and defence matters is also crucial as demonstrated by the need to deal with the war in Ukraine that erupted following the Russian invasion on 24 February. Show less
De Handels- en samenwerkingsovereenkomst tussen de Europese Unie (EU) en het Verenigd Koninkrijk (VK) (de HSO) is ondertekend op 30 december 2020 en op 1 mei 2021 formeel in werking getreden.... Show moreDe Handels- en samenwerkingsovereenkomst tussen de Europese Unie (EU) en het Verenigd Koninkrijk (VK) (de HSO) is ondertekend op 30 december 2020 en op 1 mei 2021 formeel in werking getreden. Terwijl het Terugtrekkingsakkoord (TA) tussen de EU en het VK kan worden gezien als de ‘echtscheidingsovereenkomst’, die voornamelijk alle kwesties behandelt die verband houden met een ordelijke uittreding van het VK, legt de HSO de basis voor een nieuwe relatie tussen de twee partijen. Deze relatie is niet langer gebaseerd op een lidmaatschap dat wordt bepaald door de supranationale rechtsorde van de EU, maar op een pragmatisch partnerschap op basis van internationaal publiekrecht, of, zoals sommige Britse vertegenwoordigers blijven benadrukken, een relatie tussen ‘soevereine gelijken’. Deze bijdrage heeft tot doel de nieuwe samenwerking nader te duiden op basis van een overzicht van de HSO en door deze te situeren binnen het bredere, nieuwe rechtsgebied dat de betrekkingen tussen de EU en het VK na Brexit regelt. Wij stellen voor dit nieuwe gebied de naam ‘post-Brexitrecht’ te geven. Dit artikel analyseert achtereenvolgens de juridische aard, de status en de materiële inhoud van de HSO. Dit wordt gevolgd door een analyse en duiding van de governance-bepalingen, met inbegrip van geschillenbeslechting. Show less
The Protocol on Ireland/Northern has the questionable honour of having its dispute settlement mechanisms being activated first under the new post-Brexit agreements between the EU and UK. This... Show moreThe Protocol on Ireland/Northern has the questionable honour of having its dispute settlement mechanisms being activated first under the new post-Brexit agreements between the EU and UK. This chapter highlights the two main hallmarks of the Protocol: on the one hand, being an integral part of the Withdrawal Agreement and the post-Brexit legal framework more broadly, and, on the other, being one of the last and most enduring holdouts of EU institutions applying EU law in a part of the UK. These characteristics, coupled with the high political stakes in the context of North-South relations in Ireland and the peace process, merit close scrutiny of the Protocol’s governance and dispute settlement provisions. Based on an analysis of the relevant provisions and informed by leading theories on compliance in international law, this chapter argues that due to fundamentally different views and strategies of the EU institutions and the UK government, the design and use of the Protocol’s mechanisms have the potential to exacerbate rather than mend EU-UK relations. Show less
The United Kingdom has left the European Union. While both sides continue to shape their future relationship, Brexit also reveals a distinctly global dimension. The UK government is negotiating ... Show moreThe United Kingdom has left the European Union. While both sides continue to shape their future relationship, Brexit also reveals a distinctly global dimension. The UK government is negotiating “continuity agreements” with countries around the world to replace agreements concluded by the EU, while also aiming to strike new agreements where the EU has failed to do so thus far. At the same time, the EU as a global treaty-maker is not standing still either. This setting provides a fertile ground for a comparative analysis of the performance of both the UK and EU as international treaty negotiators, especially in the area of trade. This chapter argues that such a comparison serves as an unprecedented opportunity for testing some of the core assumptions of both Eurosceptics and proponents of European integration. The assumptions can be grouped under two opposing narratives designated here as “Global Britain” and “Market Power Europe”, respectively. While the former suggests that the UK will be better off “unshackled” from the EU by becoming a more agile and effective international actor, the latter argues that the benefits of being able to rely on the collective economic power of the EU outweigh the costs of heterogeneity of interests and more burdensome decision-making. Comparing the ability of both the EU and UK to conclude trade agreements with partners around the world, and comparing the respective terms accorded to them, will enable researchers to provide insights into the costs and benefits of “non-Europe” on the international stage. However, in order to produce meaningful findings, numerical, normative, relative and cumulative methodological challenges will have to be overcome. Therefore, a new interdisciplinary approach is required that combines rigorous legal analysis with empirical-legal, qualitative, and economic methods to answer a fundamental question: was striking out on its own in the world “worth it” for the first country that left the EU? Show less
Deze bijdrage geeft een eerste overzicht van de zwaarbevochten handels- en samenwerkingsovereenkomst tussen het VK en de EU in de context van de al vierenhalf jaar durende Brexit-saga. Samen met... Show moreDeze bijdrage geeft een eerste overzicht van de zwaarbevochten handels- en samenwerkingsovereenkomst tussen het VK en de EU in de context van de al vierenhalf jaar durende Brexit-saga. Samen met het terugtrekkingsakkoord hebben de betrekkingen tussen de EU en VK nu een nieuw fundament – gegoten uit het oude cement van internationaal publieksrecht. De overeenkomst slaagt erin zowel de rode lijnen van de partijen te respecteren als de maalstromen van een no-deal te omzeilen. Dat dit in een turbulent politiek klimaat is gelukt is zeker voor een groot deel aan de volharding van de onderhandelingsteams van beide partijen te danken. Desalniettemin wordt op de honderden bladzijden van het akkoord keer op keer duidelijk dat het hier om een document gaat dat de schade van desintegratie regelt in plaats van de partijen hechter naar elkaar toe te laten groeien. Show less
Dit hoofdstuk is een bijdrage aan de vriendenbundel voor Derk Bunschoten ter gelegenheid van zijn afscheid van de Radboud Universiteit (sectie staatsrecht). Behandeld wordt de vraag: 'Welke... Show moreDit hoofdstuk is een bijdrage aan de vriendenbundel voor Derk Bunschoten ter gelegenheid van zijn afscheid van de Radboud Universiteit (sectie staatsrecht). Behandeld wordt de vraag: 'Welke misverstanden dreigen als men met uitsluitend kennis van het Nederlandse staatsrecht naar de Britse debatten over Brexit kijkt?' Show less
The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union has prompted a global recalibration of treaty relations. Due to the Withdrawal Agreement and its transition period, the UK is expanding... Show moreThe withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union has prompted a global recalibration of treaty relations. Due to the Withdrawal Agreement and its transition period, the UK is expanding its international treaty-making powers as it is gradually released from the constraints of EU law. Practice to date shows the creation of many new international legal instruments through which governments have sought to address the novel questions that Brexit raises for the international law of treaties. Show less
In this article we map and explain the sources of knowledge cited on 85 Brexit impact appraisals, 46 of which were formal impact assessments ordered and published by the European Parliament and 39... Show moreIn this article we map and explain the sources of knowledge cited on 85 Brexit impact appraisals, 46 of which were formal impact assessments ordered and published by the European Parliament and 39 ‘sectoral reports’ ordered by the UK Government and released by the House of Commons Exiting the EU Committee. All reports were published between the day after the UK referendum and the year after the start of the UK-EU negotiations. We conducted a citation analysis of 3537 references and tested author push and policy sector pull hypotheses with non-parametric tests. Our findings highlight the epistemic function of the professional referent groups to which authors belong. Authors tend to generate information and cite sources that are congruent with their ‘home group’ in the departmental unit where they work, or their larger professional group, even in urgent high-salient risk situations like Brexit. Differences between policy sectors do not strongly matter. Show less
De EU moet oppassen het brexitfalen alshet eigen gelijk van de Unie te zien. Doordat de brexit maar niet tot standkomt, draagt hij bij aan de gedachte dat het onmogelijk is de EU te verlaten.Om dit... Show moreDe EU moet oppassen het brexitfalen alshet eigen gelijk van de Unie te zien. Doordat de brexit maar niet tot standkomt, draagt hij bij aan de gedachte dat het onmogelijk is de EU te verlaten.Om dit tegen te gaan moet niet alleen de eigen aard van de brexit wordenerkend, maar moeten ook alternatieven worden ontwikkeld voor het volleEU-lidmaatschap. Bovendien moet, nu een EU-federatie verder weg is dan ooit, dedemocratische verankering van de EU in de lidstaten worden vergroot. Show less
Deze bijdrage poogt achtergrond en duiding te geven bij de recente ontwikkelingen rondom Brexit, identificeert de belangrijkste knelpunten, en bespreekt de resterende mogelijke uitkomsten: welke... Show moreDeze bijdrage poogt achtergrond en duiding te geven bij de recente ontwikkelingen rondom Brexit, identificeert de belangrijkste knelpunten, en bespreekt de resterende mogelijke uitkomsten: welke routes uit de loopgraven liggen nog open? Ook reflecteert deze bijdrage kort op de lessen die wel en niet uit het Brexit proces getrokken kunnen worden, onder andere inzake de effectiviteit van het recht op terugtrekking en de toekomstige ontwikkeling van de EU zelf. In het eindspel van Brexit zijn immers ook de eerste barsten in het pantser van de eenheid van de Unie zichtbaar geworden. Show less
When the EEA Agreement was concluded in the early 1990s, it reflected, in the fields covered, the state of the then Community law, also with respect to the free movement of persons. Since then,... Show moreWhen the EEA Agreement was concluded in the early 1990s, it reflected, in the fields covered, the state of the then Community law, also with respect to the free movement of persons. Since then, both EEA and EU law have developed further, though with certain marked differences. Notably, the EU Treaty revision of Maastricht led to the introduction of Union citizenship. The fact that there is no corresponding concept in the EEA Agreement had led to certain challenges within the EEA with respect to the free movement of persons, due notably to the double nature of Directive 2004/38 as a further development of the free movement law of the Communities and a Union citizenship instrument. Today, the EEA and the EU rules are identical with respect to the market access rights of economic agents. In contrast, it is debated whether and to what extent the incorporation of Directive 2004/38 into the EEA legal system is indeed limited for those purposes. This relates in particular to case law of the EFTA Court on persons who are not economically active, where the Court, in the EEA context, gives Directive 2004/38 a broader interpretation than the CJEU does in the EU context. The EFTA Court’s aim, despite the lack of Union citizenship in EEA law, is to arrive at the same level of protection. Commentators speak about a particular understanding of homogeneity and of the Polydor principle. This approach raises questions also with respect to the external relations of the EU with other non-Member States, including notably the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland following its withdrawal from EU membership (“Brexit”). Show less
The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union (Brexit) is not only a source of political and legal upheaval in Europe but will also prompt a recalibration of transatlantic treaty... Show moreThe withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union (Brexit) is not only a source of political and legal upheaval in Europe but will also prompt a recalibration of transatlantic treaty relations. This Article argues that it is a gross oversimplification to conceive of the latter as sets of old and new bilateral relationships. Instead, Brexit affects many existing and interdependent triangular relationships that the United States maintains with the EU and its Member States, which are conditioned also by the foreign relations laws of these polities. Perhaps counterintuitively, recalibration in the “high politics” area of security and defense will be easier than in the “low politics” of trade and regulation. In elaborating on these arguments, this Article delves into three levels of complexity: First, the empirical challenge of determining the treaties in force between the EU and United States and by which the UK will cease to be covered; second, the transatlantic implications of available alternative models to EU membership for the UK; and third, the way forward in ensuring continuity and bringing about future agreements and cooperation in the EU-UK-U.S. triangle, seeing that the EU itself is a moving target due to ongoing reform efforts. Show less
Το αποτέλεσμα της 24ης Ιουνίου 2016, σηματοδότησε μια νέα σελίδα στην ιστορία τόσο της Βρετανίας, όσο και της Ευρώπης. Ο αναδυόμενος αγγλικός εθνικισμός και ο κομβικός ρόλος της ακροδεξιάς... Show moreΤο αποτέλεσμα της 24ης Ιουνίου 2016, σηματοδότησε μια νέα σελίδα στην ιστορία τόσο της Βρετανίας, όσο και της Ευρώπης. Ο αναδυόμενος αγγλικός εθνικισμός και ο κομβικός ρόλος της ακροδεξιάς πολιτικής σκηνής, κατάφερε μεν να οδηγήσει ένα έθνος σε μια ιστορική απόφαση, αλλά και να υποστηρίξει έναν πολιτικό χώρο στη σημαντικότερη νίκη του στη μέχρι τότε παρουσία του στη βρετανική πολιτική σκηνή: τη δημιουργία ενός κεντρικού θέματος το οποίο θα ήταν ζωτικό για την εκστρατεία εξόδου, τη μετανάστευση. Η αντίληψη ότι οι ‘οι πολιτικές της Ευρώπης’ περιορίζουν το ‘ελεύθερο εμπόριο’και την ‘ελεύθερη ροή κεφαλαίων’, ότι οι μετανάστες ευθύνονται για την μείωση των κερδών, την υπομόνευση των εθνικών κοινωνικών υπηρεσιών και την άνοδο των επιπέδων ανεργίας, καθώς και η προτροπή για για ιδιωτικοποίηση και μετάβαση, σε μια ακραία έκδοση νεοφιλελευθερισμού, ήταν η κεντρική ρητορική από τη μεριά της βρετανικής ριζοσπαστικής δεξιάςς η οποία αποτέλεσε κομβικό παρανομαστή των πολιτικών εξελίξεων. Η παρούσα μελέτη επικεντρώνεται στον εντοπισμό και την ανάλυση των καταλυτών ρητορικής και πολιτικής εξόδου από την ΕΕ. Show less
In November 2018, the negotiating delegations of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the European Union agreed on a draft treaty of resignation. This includes detailed... Show moreIn November 2018, the negotiating delegations of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the European Union agreed on a draft treaty of resignation. This includes detailed provisions on the settlement of disputes, including an arbitral tribunal and the involvement of the Court of Justice of the European Union in certain questions of interpretation. This is interesting for Switzerland because it has negotiated such a model with the EU. Show less
In less unusual times, the European Union’s Global Strategy for Foreign and Security Policy would have been received as merely the latest iteration of the main tenets and ambitions of EU external... Show moreIn less unusual times, the European Union’s Global Strategy for Foreign and Security Policy would have been received as merely the latest iteration of the main tenets and ambitions of EU external action – this time with an enhanced dose of pragmatism to respond to a more challenging international environment. However, with ‘Brexit’ looming large and one and a half years into the Trump Presidency in the United States, the Global Strategy has acquired a new level of significance. This article argues that while meant to express a largely uncontroversial ‘Western’ consensus, it now needs to be re-contextualized as a distinctive vision in the face of trends of antiglobalism and Euroscepticism. This concerns in particular the Strategy’s emphasis on rules-based global governance. Challenged by both President Trump’s ‘America First’ policy and the British government’s course for a ‘hard Brexit’, the Global Strategy now represents a contested blueprint and rallying point for a continued pursuit of a liberal world order based on the rule of law. Show less
