Democracy is about competing "truths". This is why "rhetoric"- the study of public deliberation and the training in public debate and argumentation - is part of democracy in development. This... Show moreDemocracy is about competing "truths". This is why "rhetoric"- the study of public deliberation and the training in public debate and argumentation - is part of democracy in development. This volume acclimatizes "rhetoric" to the philosophical scene in South Africa, and more in general in Africa as a whole, and reflects on the emergence of public deliberation in the South African democracy through a reading of the 1995-1998 Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in terms of Aristotelian rhetoric. Four papers (part 1) tackle, from four different angles, the re-telling of private truths about a public regimen of affairs in front of the TRC. In Part 2, public deliberation and the fashioning of truth are approached from a variety of perspectives, examples and situations of "rhetorical democracy" from elsewhere in Africa (Nigeria) and beyond. Part 3 offers examples of how rhetoric may be brought to bear upon politics in order to understand how dialogue between different levels of agency creates democratic negotiation and, in the process, shapes policy, as for example in the case of the African Renaissance, the land redistribution programme in postapartheid South Africa and the 1991 National Conference of Congo-Brazzaville. The volume closes on a philosophical analysis of the "ethical" dimension inherent to public deliberation as well as to the contest of beliefs, and on an examination of the volume's contents in the light of long-standing concerns of African philosophy and of the journal 'Quest'. Contributors: Charles Calder, Barbara Cassin, Mary Jane Collier, Erik Doxtader, Eugene Garver, Yehoshua Gitay, Lisa Hajjar, Darrin Hicks, Johnson Segun Ige, Abel Kouvouama, Andrea Lollini, Reingard Nethersole, Sanya Osha, Philippe-Joseph Salazar, Lydia Samarbakhsh-Liberge, Wim van Binsbergen, Charles Villa-Vicencio. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
This chapter examines what democratic transition in the 1990s has meant for women in southern Africa. It focuses in particular on the impact of democratization processes on political participation... Show moreThis chapter examines what democratic transition in the 1990s has meant for women in southern Africa. It focuses in particular on the impact of democratization processes on political participation by women, notably women's representation in parliament in Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. This is compared with developments in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, where the introduction of multiparty elections has generally resulted in women's marginalization in parliament. Comparison of the representation of women in parliament in the SADC region under the one-party State and after the democratic transition reveals that the tendency is towards better representation of women. Factors impacting on the representation of women in politics include a country's state of development, the quota system, women's pressure groups, and electoral systems. Linking the UNDP's gender-related development index (1998) to the representation in parliament-index, the author concludes that there is no visible relationship between women's representation in parliament and the quality of life for women in southern Africa. Notes, ref Show less
Cet ouvrage présente onze contributions rédigées par des africanistes qui ont collaboré étroitement avec l'anthropologue politique néerlandais Robert Buijtenhuijs et ont été influencés par ses... Show moreCet ouvrage présente onze contributions rédigées par des africanistes qui ont collaboré étroitement avec l'anthropologue politique néerlandais Robert Buijtenhuijs et ont été influencés par ses travaux et sa personnalité. Le livre est un hommage à un auteur qui a été productif dans beaucoup de domaines, dont les travaux pendant plus de trente années se sont caractérisés par un dévouement sans faille aux causes de la liberté et de la démocratie sur le continent africain. Par ses travaux, Robert Buijtenhuijs a participé aux processus parmi les plus significatifs de la mutation politique qu'a connue le continent africain pendant la seconde moitié du XXe siècle et à certains des débats les plus cruciaux qui ont animé le monde des études africaines: description et interprétation des révolutions et guerres paysannes en Afrique; transitions démocratiques; phénomènes sociaux et religieux accompagnant les développements politiques; statut épistémologique des études africaines. Contributions: Introduction : L'étendue des travaux de Robert Buijtenhuijs (Wim van Binsbergen, Piet Konings et Gerti Hesseling); Histoire politique du Tchad (1900-1975) (Bernard Lanne); The reception of the Mau Mau in Southern Rhodesia, 1952-1961 (Terence Ranger); Africa's wars of liberation: some historiographical reflections (Stephen Ellis); Le politique "par le bas": les vicissitudes d'une approche (Peter Geschiere); Le faux naïf sur les sentiers des guerres (de libération nationale?) : l'anthropologie est-elle naturellement anti-impérialiste? (Jean Copans); When is a State a State? Exploring Puntland (Martin Doornbos); La démocratie dans un monde multi-cosmologique: une expédition d'exploration menée depuis l'Afrique (Elly Reinierse); Trade unions and democratisation in Africa (Piet Konings); La démocratisation en Afrique noire dans les années 1990: l'hypothèque militaire (Céline Thiriot); Sacrifices humains et politique: quelques exemples contemporains en Afrique (Comi Toulabor); Creating "a place to feel at home": Christian church life and social control in Lusaka, Zambia (1970s) (Wim van Binsbergen) Show less
This book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes... Show moreThis book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes chapters on both electoral processes, especially the role of foreign observers therein, and the historical and sociocultural backgrounds or contexts of democratization, elections and political legitimacy. Part 1 deals with elections and election observation in Africa in general (contributions by O. van Cranenburgh, S. Ellis, I. van Kessel, B. de Gaay Fortman). Part 2 consists of country studies (M. Doornbos on Uganda, D. Foeken en T. Dietz on Kenya, J. Abbink on Ethiopia, R. van Dijk on Malawi, R. Buijtenhuijs on Chad, and M.-F. Lange on Mali). Part 3 includes a chapter that reflects the discussions held at the seminar between observers, academics and policymakers in the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs (W. van Binsbergen en J. Abbink); a review of Dutch policies on election observation in Africa during the period 1992-1997 (O. van Cranenburgh); and a discussion of the 1997 general elections in Kenya, where a new approach of election observation was introduced (M. Rutten). Show less
This book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes... Show moreThis book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes chapters on both electoral processes, especially the role of foreign observers therein, and the historical and sociocultural backgrounds or contexts of democratization, elections and political legitimacy. Part 1 deals with elections and election observation in Africa in general (contributions by O. van Cranenburgh, S. Ellis, I. van Kessel, B. de Gaay Fortman). Part 2 consists of country studies (M. Doornbos on Uganda, D. Foeken en T. Dietz on Kenya, J. Abbink on Ethiopia, R. van Dijk on Malawi, R. Buijtenhuijs on Chad, and M.-F. Lange on Mali). Part 3 includes a chapter that reflects the discussions held at the seminar between observers, academics and policymakers in the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs (W. van Binsbergen en J. Abbink); a review of Dutch policies on election observation in Africa during the period 1992-1997 (O. van Cranenburgh); and a discussion of the 1997 general elections in Kenya, where a new approach of election observation was introduced (M. Rutten). Show less
Cet ouvrage présente onze contributions rédigées par des africanistesqui ont collaboré étroitement avec l'anthropologue politique néerlandais RobertBuijtenhuijs et ont été influencés par ses... Show moreCet ouvrage présente onze contributions rédigées par des africanistesqui ont collaboré étroitement avec l'anthropologue politique néerlandais RobertBuijtenhuijs et ont été influencés par ses travaux et sa personnalité. Le livreest un hommage à un auteur qui a été productif dans beaucoup de domaines, dontles travaux pendant plus de trente années se sont caractérisés par undévouement sans faille aux causes de la liberté et de la démocratie sur lecontinent africain. Par ses travaux, Robert Buijtenhuijs a participé auxprocessus parmi les plus significatifs de la mutation politique qu'a connue lecontinent africain pendant la seconde moitié du XXe siècle et à certains desdébats les plus cruciaux qui ont animé le monde des études africaines:description et interprétation des révolutions et guerres paysannes en Afrique;transitions démocratiques; phénomènes sociaux et religieux accompagnant lesdéveloppements politiques; statut épistémologique des études africaines.Contributions: Introduction : L'étendue des travaux de Robert Buijtenhuijs (Wimvan Binsbergen, Piet Konings et Gerti Hesseling); Histoire politique du Tchad(1900-1975) (Bernard Lanne); The reception of the Mau Mau in Southern Rhodesia,1952-1961 (Terence Ranger); Africa's wars of liberation: some historiographicalreflections (Stephen Ellis); Le politique "par le bas": lesvicissitudes d'une approche (Peter Geschiere); Le faux naïf sur les sentiersdes guerres (de libération nationale?) : l'anthropologie est-elle naturellementanti-impérialiste? (Jean Copans); When is a State a State? Exploring Puntland(Martin Doornbos); La démocratie dans un monde multi-cosmologique: uneexpédition d'exploration menée depuis l'Afrique (Elly Reinierse); Trade unionsand democratisation in Africa (Piet Konings); La démocratisation en Afriquenoire dans les années 1990: l'hypothèque militaire (Céline Thiriot); Sacrificeshumains et politique: quelques exemples contemporains en Afrique (ComiToulabor); Creating "a place to feel at home": Christian church lifeand social control in Lusaka, Zambia (1970s) (Wim van Binsbergen) Show less
This book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes... Show moreThis book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes chapters on both electoral processes, especially the role of foreign observers therein, and the historical and sociocultural backgrounds or contexts of democratization, elections and political legitimacy. Part 1 deals with elections and election observation in Africa in general (contributions by O. van Cranenburgh, S. Ellis, I. van Kessel, B. de Gaay Fortman). Part 2 consists of country studies (M. Doornbos on Uganda, D. Foeken en T. Dietz on Kenya, J. Abbink on Ethiopia, R. van Dijk on Malawi, R. Buijtenhuijs on Chad, and M.-F. Lange on Mali). Part 3 includes a chapter that reflects the discussions held at the seminar between observers, academics and policymakers in the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs (W. van Binsbergen en J. Abbink); a review of Dutch policies on election observation in Africa during the period 1992-1997 (O. van Cranenburgh); and a discussion of the 1997 general elections in Kenya, where a new approach of election observation was introduced (M. Rutten) Show less
In writings about the role of trade unions in the democratization process in Africa one can distinguish a pessimistic and an optimistic school. However, recent research presents a more complex... Show moreIn writings about the role of trade unions in the democratization process in Africa one can distinguish a pessimistic and an optimistic school. However, recent research presents a more complex picture. In this chapter the author has selected three case studies for an in-depth comparative analysis: Zambia, Ghana and Cameroon. They reflect variations in the degree of intensity of the unions' role in the democratic process, varying from high in Zambia, medium in Ghana, and low in Cameroon. The author demonstrates that these variations depend not only on differences in the unions' organizational strength and previous State-union relations, but also on the unions' willingness to involve themselves directly in the creation of formal democracy, in particular in the form of a multiparty system. The case studies suggest that unions in Africa, particularly in English-speaking countries, are more likely to fight for autonomy versus the State and for a larger degree of participation in the national decisionmaking process than to support or join opposition forces in their struggle for the establishment of a multiparty system. On the basis of their experience with both the colonial and postcolonial trade union models, African unions have often been inclined to stay aloof from struggles to introduce formal democracy, out of fear that any alliance with opposition movements or parties would eventually turn out to be harmful to their representation of workers' interests. To consolidate their achievements, the unions should strengthen their organization; improve upon their negotiating and bargaining position in national decisionmaking fora; and democratize their internal organization and administration. Show less
The current discussion on democratization in Africa tends towards Eurocentrism in that it pays insufficient attention to the analytical and methodological implications of cultural imperialism,... Show moreThe current discussion on democratization in Africa tends towards Eurocentrism in that it pays insufficient attention to the analytical and methodological implications of cultural imperialism, localization, wrongly claimed universality, and the social price of relativism. Conceptually, formal constitutional democracy is only one variant of democracy among others, and besides, it is an item of political culture which has only relatively recently been introduced to Africa. Recent developments among Nkoya peasants of Kaoma district, Zambia, and working-class townsmen from Francistown, Botswana, most of whom identify themselves ethnically as Kalanga or Tswana, suggest that the democratization movement is only another phase in the ongoing political transformation of Africa. In the course of this process, by an interplay of local and national (ultimately global) conceptions of political power, indigenous constitutional, philosophical and sociological alternatives of political legitimacy are tested, and subsequently accommodated or discarded as obsolete. The author carried out anthropological fieldwork among the Zambian Nkoya in 1972-1974, and in Francistown in 1988-1989, and in both cases has made repeated return visits since. Bibliogr., notes, ref Show less
Etniciteit heeft altijd een centrale rol gespeeld in de Afrikaanse politiek. Politieke leiders hebben in het verleden hun machtsbasis steeds gevonden binnen hun eigen volk. Vanwege de etnische... Show moreEtniciteit heeft altijd een centrale rol gespeeld in de Afrikaanse politiek. Politieke leiders hebben in het verleden hun machtsbasis steeds gevonden binnen hun eigen volk. Vanwege de etnische tegenstellingen zijn velen pessimistisch over het welslagen van de golf van democratisering die op dit moment Afrika overspoelt. Hoe 'etnisch' werd er bijvoorbeeld gestemd in Kenia en Kameroen tijdens de algemene verkiezingen in hun landen in 1992? Dit artikel gaat in op deze vraag. In etnische termen behoort Kameroen tot de meest gefragmenteerde landen van Afrika. In 1992 heeft president Biya gehoor gegeven aan de roep om politieke democratisering, hetgeen resulteerde in twee vrije verkiezingen: parlementsverkiezingen in maart en presidentsverkiezingen in oktober. Uit een analyse van de verkiezingsuitslagen blijkt dat regionale etnisch-religieuze tegenstellingen, alsmede lokale machts- en afhankelijkheidsrelaties, een bepalende rol hebben gespeeld in het stemgedrag van de bevolking. Ook in Kenia is de etnische versnippering groot. De bevolking van 25 miljoen mensen is verdeeld in ongeveer 40 etnische groepen. Geen enkele groep heeft een numeriek overwicht. Ook hier weerspiegelt de uitslag van de verkiezingen voor het presidentschap en voor het parlement van december 1992 de realiteit van de etnische politiek in Kenia. Show less
External factors - the change in the international climate following the fall of the Berlin Wall in late 1989, the publication at almost the same time of the World Bank's report 'From crisis to... Show moreExternal factors - the change in the international climate following the fall of the Berlin Wall in late 1989, the publication at almost the same time of the World Bank's report 'From crisis to sustainable growth', in which the Bank for the first time linked aid to the question of "governance" - undoubtedly played a role in the decline of the one-party State in Africa. But the deeper causes of the current wave of democratization lie in the buildup of pressure over the past few decades for a new form of political accountability, to replace that of patronage politics. Most African governments have responded to the forces of change by conceding to demands for multiparty rule, simultaneously attempting to control the process. President Moi of Kenya, re-elected president in a multiparty election, is a case in point. In a few cases, heads of State have refused to make any compromises at all, with appalling results (Liberia, Somalia). In those countries where some degree of democratization has taken place, it is hard as yet to discern any improvement in regard to governance. Political parties continue to be formed in terms of clientelism and there is little to choose between rival parties, as a comparison of the contrasting cases of Kenya and Zambia illustrates. Democratization has not recast political constituencies in a new mode (though religion may form the base for new forms of political recruitment in the years to come). Notes, ref Show less
De invoering van Structurele aanpassingsprogramma's (SAP's) in Afrika is vaak gepaard gegaan met een versterking van de autoritaire tendensen van de Afrikaanse regimes. De levensstandaard en... Show moreDe invoering van Structurele aanpassingsprogramma's (SAP's) in Afrika is vaak gepaard gegaan met een versterking van de autoritaire tendensen van de Afrikaanse regimes. De levensstandaard en werkgelegenheid van de stedelijke arbeiders zijn door de SAP's ernstig aangetast. In dit overzicht van de rol van vakbonden in de SAP's en in democratiseringsprocessen wordt het verzet van een aantal vakbonden tegen de invoering van de SAP's ge‹llustreerd aan de hand van het vakbondsverzet in Zambia, Ghana en Nigeria. De vakbonden in Zambia zijn in staat geweest het SAP te saboteren, terwijl het vakbondsverzet in Ghana gering was; een tussenpositie in het vakbondsprotest tegen SAP's wordt ingenomen door Nigeria. Hoewel de interne democratie binnen de vakbonden vaak niet optimaal was, heeft een aantal vakbonden zich toch ingespannen voor het bereiken van een zekere mate van participatie in het ondernemings- en regeringsbeleid. Gedurende de invoering van de SAP's hebben steeds meer vakbonden zich verzet tegen het toenemend autoritarisme van de machthebbers. Met name vakbonden in Zambia hebben een sleutelrol gespeeld in de strijd om grotere democratisering. De mate waarin vakbonden een actieve rol kunnen spelen is afhankelijk van twee factoren. De ene factor is de mate van autonomie die vakbonden hebben behouden ten opzichte van de regering. Vakbonden in Engelstalige Afrikaanse landen zijn daar beter in geslaagd dan vakbonden in Franstalige Afrikaanse landen. Een tweede factor is de aard van het regime (militair of civiel). Show less
