The main purpose of this book is to give a description of the Cholón language as represented in the Arte de la Lengua Cholona (ALC), a colonial grammar written in 1748 by a Franciscan friar, named... Show moreThe main purpose of this book is to give a description of the Cholón language as represented in the Arte de la Lengua Cholona (ALC), a colonial grammar written in 1748 by a Franciscan friar, named Pedro de la Mata. The ALC is kept in the British Library in London. Nowadays, the Cholón language is probably extinct. It was spoken in North Peru in the valley of the Huallaga river. Cholón formed a small language family together with the neighbouring language Híbito. The description of eighteenth-century Cholón, the linguistic part of the book, is preceded by a description of secondary sources and of theories about genetic relations (chapter 1), by an ethnohistorical sketch (chapter 2), and by an analysis of the manuscript (chapter 3). The linguistic part starts with an analysis of the orthography used in the ALC and of the observations about certain sounds, in order to reconstruct a tentative sound system (chapter 4). Chapter 5 deals with morphonology. In this chapter attention is paid to syllable structure, to phenomena like vowel suppression and harmonization, and to stem-initial consonant changes. Nominal and verbal morphosyntax are discussed in chapters 6 and 7, respectively. Cholón is an agglutinative language. Besides nouns and verbs, which are the most important word categories, Cholón has a small class of adverbs (chapter 8) and interjections (chapter 9). In chapter 10 discourse markers, such as question and exclamation markers, are treated. Chapter 11 is dedicated to the negation. In chapter 12, a survey of the different subordinate clauses is given. The linguistic part ends with a lexicon. Show less
This work sets out to investigate the form and function of the imperative in the Rigveda. The morphology (and, where relevant, etymology), syntax and semantics of the imperative are covered.The... Show moreThis work sets out to investigate the form and function of the imperative in the Rigveda. The morphology (and, where relevant, etymology), syntax and semantics of the imperative are covered.The work is divided into the following major parts:Introduction: The place of the imperative within the Rigvedic verbal system is discussed. A section is devoted to the addressees of the second and third person imperatives. Particular attention is paid to the meaning of the latter. The relationship between the imperative and the optative is also investigated, since on the face of it, some of the functions of the imperative - those which do not denote commands but rather wishes and entreaties - are shared between the two. Owing to the extreme rarity of the third-person optative - with the single exception of the form syāt - the conclusion of this section is that the imperative is the usual method of expressing not only commands, but also wishes and aspirations.The morphology of the imperative: All of the forms of the imperative are considered. There is a comprehensive section on stem-ablaut, on accentuation, as well as an individual treatment of each verb ending, and their contact forms in the case of the athematic stems. The imperatives in –tāt and –si are given special consideration, as well as a group of analogically created imperatives in -i such as yódhi.Aorist versus present imperative: This section discusses the relationship between the present and aorist imperatives. It shows that the aorist imperative is a moribund archaism at the time of the Rigveda - more so in the late tenth book - and that it functions as a metrical variant of the present imperative, with no functional difference existing between the two forms. An exception to this is in fixed formulae, in which the ancient, pre-Vedic difference between these forms is preserved.Index of attested forms: A treatment of every attested imperative form in the Rigveda. All attested imperative forms are noted, their grammatical classification, and their frequency. Many verbs are discussed in detail, and copious examples from the text are given. Show less
In Dutch dialects, verbs and complementizers can bear different morphological affixes depending on which nominal element they agree with in their local syntactic domain. For instance, in a dialect... Show moreIn Dutch dialects, verbs and complementizers can bear different morphological affixes depending on which nominal element they agree with in their local syntactic domain. For instance, in a dialect such as tegelen Dutch, the complementizer agrees with the first conjunct of a coordinated subject, while in Lapscheure Dutch, the complementizer agrees with the coordinated subject as a whole. Using a vast array of new data on complementizer agreement, first conjunct agreement, agreement with pronouns, verbal agreement and subject doubling in Dutch dialects, this study argues that the interplay between syntax and morphology is more intricate than has hitherto been assumed. More precisely, it is shown that the syntactic component determines which local nominal elements qualify for agreement with the verb or complementizer, depending on the specificity of the affix. The analysis is extended to similar syntactic contexts in typologically different languages such as Irish, Hebrew, Finnish, Tsez and Arabic. Show less
