Satellite television stations are subtly challenging the state's monopoly over the means of persuasion and information in the Arab world. A Qatari-based television channel, Al-Jazeera's coverage of... Show moreSatellite television stations are subtly challenging the state's monopoly over the means of persuasion and information in the Arab world. A Qatari-based television channel, Al-Jazeera's coverage of Syrian politics exemplifies how satellite television is changing the conditions of communication between citizens and states in the Arab world and increasing the space for civil society, creating more moments in television that are not as controlled by states. The significance of the Syrian case lies in the fact that the Syrian regime is highly authoritarian and still maintains near total control of information and communication. The following examines Al-Jazeera's reporting of several issues considered highly sensitive according to the censorship policies of Syria's Ministries of Information and Culture and Guidance: political opposition in Syria, succession, and the impact of the peace process on the regime's survival ability. Show less
Last November, the Syrian province of al-Suwaida was again in the news - Arab and European news, that is. The Syrian media remained silent on the matter. The province, better known as 'Druze... Show moreLast November, the Syrian province of al-Suwaida was again in the news - Arab and European news, that is. The Syrian media remained silent on the matter. The province, better known as 'Druze Mountain', is also called 'Hawran Mountain' and 'Arab Mountain', the name confusion already hinting at the complicated identity of its inhabitants. It was, once again, surrounded by army troops. What had happened? Show less
The announcement of Syrian President Hafiz al-Asad's death on Saturday, 10 June 2000, prompted panegyrics to his greatness and public displays of grief. Syrians Ð those who genuinely admired him... Show moreThe announcement of Syrian President Hafiz al-Asad's death on Saturday, 10 June 2000, prompted panegyrics to his greatness and public displays of grief. Syrians Ð those who genuinely admired him and even those who feared him Ð may have experienced sadness at his passing. Death has a way of generating mournful feelings, or at least of inducing apprehension about the future. Yet the political rituals praising his rule, likening his brilliance to the sun's and stressing his role as a 'man of the people', were not new to Syrians. Asad's image was omnipresent for much of his rule (1970-2000), and the rhetoric of flattery was commonplace. In newspapers, on television and during orchestrated events, Asad was repeatedly lauded as the 'father' and the 'gallant knight'. If only by dint of its repetition, all were fluent in this symbolic language of the Syrian state, which had become a hallmark of Asad's rule. Show less