Since the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979, many of us in Islamic Studies have found ourselves being asked repeatedly by reporters, students, and even university colleagues to explain and... Show moreSince the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979, many of us in Islamic Studies have found ourselves being asked repeatedly by reporters, students, and even university colleagues to explain and interpret Islamic fundamentalism. Certain assumptions often surface in public discussions of Islam. For example, many reporters (and many of my students and colleagues) believe that Islam is an intrinsically violent religion. Another assumption I often encounter is the view that orthodox Muslims (Sunni and Shici) are medieval, irrational, anti-modern, and dangerously anti-Western intellectually. Show less
There is no doubt that what is called Islamic fundamentalism is one among many facets of the Islamic world which in itself represents a public phenomenon with many divergences. Just like... Show moreThere is no doubt that what is called Islamic fundamentalism is one among many facets of the Islamic world which in itself represents a public phenomenon with many divergences. Just like colonialism and folk religion, this religious fundamentalism does not represent a monolithic system of cultural expression. Rather it is an outcome of colonial encroachment, as well as a negation or rejection of both folk-religious tradition and colonialism. This recent Muslim self-concept goes back to the evolution of an Islamic ideology that was only developed in the 1930s and arose out of the need to distance and distinguish its adherents from the politically dominant colonial sector as well as from the handeddown Muslim tradition. This new Muslim identity expresses the relationship of tension between what may be called colonial and indigenous life worlds. It is part of the multi-layered social relationships within modern Muslim society. I will try to explain the genesis and dynamics of this fundamentalist identity. Show less
