Albanians have been Muslims for more than 500 years and they do not need outsiders [Arabs] to tell them what is the proper way to practise Islam.' Mufti of Kosova, Rexhep Boja's recent retort to... Show moreAlbanians have been Muslims for more than 500 years and they do not need outsiders [Arabs] to tell them what is the proper way to practise Islam.' Mufti of Kosova, Rexhep Boja's recent retort to the efforts of Arab NGOs to impose their Salafi practices on Kosovar Albanians reflects a largely unappreciated phenomenon in the post-communist Balkans. The following exposes the questionable manner in which Western powers have compartmentalized their priorities in the region and how Saudi-based humanitarian agencies have filled in the vacuum. At issue is how Western policies of 'conflict resolution' have left 'ethno-religious' communities at the mercy of international, 'faith-based' organizations that, in turn, exploit the poverty and fragmented social conditions of - in our case here - Albanians. Show less
Shortly after the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on 11 September 2001, the Washington Institute for Near East Policy published a short book (137 pages) by Martin Kramer entitled... Show moreShortly after the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on 11 September 2001, the Washington Institute for Near East Policy published a short book (137 pages) by Martin Kramer entitled Ivory Towers on Sand: The Failure of Middle Eastern Studies in America. Kramer is the editor of the Middle East Quarterly, a journal founded by Daniel Pipes and others who feel that the discipline of Middle Eastern Studies, as practised in the United States, has become too pro-Arab and too 'dovish'. Kramer, a former director of the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies at Tel Aviv University, shares Pipes's views, though he has generally been less strident in expressing them. Ivory Towers on Sand is primarily a critique of scholars dealing with issues related to American foreign policy in the Middle East. Kramer is not especially troubled by current trends in the study of Sufi poetry. Show less
As 'Bosnia' awakened the dead among Muslims worldwide, new expressions of Muslim identity have emerged on college and university campuses in the US that stress the liberation of Islam from... Show moreAs 'Bosnia' awakened the dead among Muslims worldwide, new expressions of Muslim identity have emerged on college and university campuses in the US that stress the liberation of Islam from geographic determinism. Among Muslim student activists in California, this trend is often articulated in phrases such as 'there is no colour in Islam', or 'I consider myself Muslim first, Arab second.' Based on research among young Arab and Muslim Americans between 1996 and 2001,2 this essay traces a particular interplay between the 'local', the 'national', and the 'global' that gives rise to Muslim student activism in the San Francisco Bay Area of California. Show less
Presently, more than one third of the world's Muslims are living as minorities in non-Muslim countries, a fact which has posed challenges not only for the host countries but also for the Muslims... Show morePresently, more than one third of the world's Muslims are living as minorities in non-Muslim countries, a fact which has posed challenges not only for the host countries but also for the Muslims themselves. Most Muslims perceive Muslim minorities as an integral part of the larger Muslim community, umma. Many insist that Muslims must be governed by Islamic law, often that of the country of origin. Home countries are expected to offer human, political, and financial resources in order for the minorities to live Islamically. This perception is quite problematic: on the one hand, it implies that while the Muslims have been living in these countries for three generations, their presence is seen as transitory - it cannot conceive of Muslims living permanently under non-Muslim rule; while on the other hand, this perception tends to imagine Muslim minorities as colonies of the Muslim world. Apart from the question of whether Muslim countries are in a position to play the role described above, other serious questions are raised for the future of the Muslim minorities. Show less
One of the consequences of the post-11 September war on terrorism has been the appearance of numerous attempts, both in academia and in the press, to explain 'Muslim rage', 'why they hate us', and ... Show moreOne of the consequences of the post-11 September war on terrorism has been the appearance of numerous attempts, both in academia and in the press, to explain 'Muslim rage', 'why they hate us', and 'what we can do about it'. Much of the reporting has correctly focused on Western culture as a source of antagonism in the Muslim world. However, few analyses have focused on the role of globalization - and the new matrices of cultural, economic and political interaction it has produced - in perpetuating and even exacerbating the hostility between segments of Muslim and Western societies. Show less
Islam in Senegal is essentially brotherhood-based. The members of the Senegalese brotherhood of Mourides are known for their dynamism symbolized by their propensity for emigrating abroad and for... Show moreIslam in Senegal is essentially brotherhood-based. The members of the Senegalese brotherhood of Mourides are known for their dynamism symbolized by their propensity for emigrating abroad and for the colossal size of their capital, Touba. Reinforcing the brotherhood identity and relying on merchant networks, the Mouride diaspora Ð disseminated in all corners of the world Ð has developed highly original mechanisms for financial circulation between host countries and Senegal. Show less
Stand-up comedy and Muslim woman. The two subjects don't really go do they? They are not often mentioned together. Not till I became a stand-up comedian and the media rapidly descended upon me,... Show moreStand-up comedy and Muslim woman. The two subjects don't really go do they? They are not often mentioned together. Not till I became a stand-up comedian and the media rapidly descended upon me, labelling me as 'the first Muslim woman in the history of stand-up comedy'. I am a stand-up comedian who writes all my own material, most of it from personal experience, and most of it based on truth, because after all the truth is funny, we don't need to make it up. Show less
Is European advertising a mirror of the demographics of the European societies? The answer seems to be no. But is it? The limited number of cases where advertisers do promote their products and... Show moreIs European advertising a mirror of the demographics of the European societies? The answer seems to be no. But is it? The limited number of cases where advertisers do promote their products and services to Asian, Arab, African, or Latin American Europeans most probably reflects the importance that European nations attach to integrating these various ethnic communities in their societies. Show less
Two years after the first free elections in the history of South Africa, which brought the liberation movement to political power, a new twist was added to the seemingly ever-present violence of... Show moreTwo years after the first free elections in the history of South Africa, which brought the liberation movement to political power, a new twist was added to the seemingly ever-present violence of the gang-lands of Cape Town. A vigilante movement dominated by Cape Muslims, People Against Gangsterism and Drugs (PAGAD), launched a series of assassinations of local drug lords and vowed to free the postapartheid townships of the scourge of crime and drugs. Since autumn of the year 2000, PAGAD's militant actions have ceased to pose a security threat in Cape Town. Most of the militants of the movement are behind bars. But even long after the movement reached its zenith and decline, academics have failed to reach a consensus over what the peculiar phenomenon of PAGAD actually represented. Show less
One of the leading Islamist groups active in Pakistan and Kashmir today is the Lashkar-i-Tayyeba, or 'The Army of the Pure'. Founded in 1993 and banned in early 2002, the Lashkar comprises largely... Show moreOne of the leading Islamist groups active in Pakistan and Kashmir today is the Lashkar-i-Tayyeba, or 'The Army of the Pure'. Founded in 1993 and banned in early 2002, the Lashkar comprises largely Pakistani militants who had immersed themselves in the jihad in Afghanistan. After the expulsion of the Soviets, these mujahids turned their attention to fresh pastures, Kashmir being one of them. The Lashkar's ideology bears close resemblance to that of the Al-Qacida and preaches a large-scale jihad against the 'enemies of Islam' in order to establish a unified Islamic state. Show less
Among the political theorists of classical Islam invoked by scholars today, particularly in the context of discussions on 'democracy within Islam' and/or 'civil society in Islam', the name of cAmr... Show moreAmong the political theorists of classical Islam invoked by scholars today, particularly in the context of discussions on 'democracy within Islam' and/or 'civil society in Islam', the name of cAmr b. Bahr al-Jahiz (d. 255/869) is, to the best of my knowledge, never mentioned. Yet, his political treatises or epistles have much to tell us moderns about the conceptualization of the ideal Muslim polity and its leadership by the turn of the 3r d century of the Islamic era. One of his epistles in particular, 'Risalat al-cUthmaniyya' (The Epistle of the cUthmaniyya), deserves closer study due to its possible implications for legitimizing modernist discourse on the extrapolation of democratic principles from the Islamic tradition. Show less
The Middle East is a region that is often overlooked in present-day exhibitions, and when it is not, the focus is mainly on traditional culture. The image that is presented thus denies the fact... Show moreThe Middle East is a region that is often overlooked in present-day exhibitions, and when it is not, the focus is mainly on traditional culture. The image that is presented thus denies the fact that contemporary Arab culture is a pilot region, a political and cultural laboratory that is highly complex. It is because of this complexity that Catherine David does not focus exclusively on 'contemporary art' in her new project, but also envisages the whole of cultural production, whether literature, philosophy, or journalism, as well as the images and the patterns of thinking that currently exist in the Arab world. This is what lies behind the project's title: Contemporary Arab Representations. Show less
The study of Islamic culture in Russia, and especially in imperial Russia, is a newly emerging field in the area of Islamic studies, yet one which promises considerable dividends for illuminating... Show moreThe study of Islamic culture in Russia, and especially in imperial Russia, is a newly emerging field in the area of Islamic studies, yet one which promises considerable dividends for illuminating both the field of Inner Asian Islam and for Islamic studies as a whole. When speaking of Islam in Russia, we have in mind a specific region of imperial Russia, namely the Volga-Ural region and western Siberia, where substantial sedentary and nomadic Turkic Muslim communities came under Russian rule at a relatively early stage, in the middle of the 16th century. In the context of Russian colonial expansion in the 19th century we can consider this region 'metropolitan Russia'. Show less
Muslims take considerable pride in Islam's eloquence on the rights and obligations of women. Scholars and laypersons do not hesitate to point out how Islam emancipated women over 1400 years ago -... Show moreMuslims take considerable pride in Islam's eloquence on the rights and obligations of women. Scholars and laypersons do not hesitate to point out how Islam emancipated women over 1400 years ago - something the global community only began working towards in the last three decades. But despite religious and legal assurances, very few Muslim women can claim personal autonomy; guarantees in marital, personal or political matters; or recognition of their reproductive role. In view of this gap many Muslim women are becoming disillusioned with the popular rhetoric on rights few of them enjoy. Show less
Established in 1999 at the American University in Cairo, the Institute for Gender and Women's Studies (IGWS) is a multipurpose and interdisciplinary research centre that serves scholars, activists... Show moreEstablished in 1999 at the American University in Cairo, the Institute for Gender and Women's Studies (IGWS) is a multipurpose and interdisciplinary research centre that serves scholars, activists and policy-makers interested in gender and women's studies in the Arabic-speaking world, Turkey, the Caucasus, Iran, Central Asia, Western Asia and Africa. The primary function of the institute is to serve as a resource nexus within and through which research projects, conferences, workshops, seminars, policy debates and educational programmes on gender and women's issues are engaged. Show less
The AKMI1/ISIM Summer Academy brought together 20 nationalities at the Yildiz Technical University in Istanbul. For eleven days and nights, from early morning until late evening, the core of this... Show moreThe AKMI1/ISIM Summer Academy brought together 20 nationalities at the Yildiz Technical University in Istanbul. For eleven days and nights, from early morning until late evening, the core of this group - the invited participants (pre-doctoral candidates and recent Ph.D.s),2 and tutors, together with several of the locally invited lecturers - listened to and commented on lectures, presented and discussed one another's projects, and visited local research centres. Show less
The Nurcu movement founded by Said Nursi (1873-1960) is probably one of the most important religious organizations in Turkey. After Nursi's death in 1960, the Nurcu brotherhood fragmented into... Show moreThe Nurcu movement founded by Said Nursi (1873-1960) is probably one of the most important religious organizations in Turkey. After Nursi's death in 1960, the Nurcu brotherhood fragmented into several sub-communities with different interpretations of religion, different goals and different positions on political issues.* Nowadays, Fethullah Gülen controls the most powerful of these groups. His followers are also active in Central Asia but, with the possible exception of Turkmenistan, the movement is unable to operate in an open and public manner. Show less
For some time Islamic publishing in the West has been associated with pamphlets in awkward English printed on pulp. Strolling through Islamic bookshops in Britain one immediately realizes how... Show moreFor some time Islamic publishing in the West has been associated with pamphlets in awkward English printed on pulp. Strolling through Islamic bookshops in Britain one immediately realizes how things have changed: beautifully edited books are offered for considerable prices. A notable part of these publications is dedicated to the defence of Islam against the challenges of Christianity and materialism. Outstanding examples for this new tendency are the writings of the prolific Turkish author Harun Yahya (pseudonym of Adnan Oktar), whose list of Turkish publications includes about 180 titles, most of them dedicated to the refutation of Darwinism. Show less
The image of the Middle East projected in current public discourses is one imbued with religion. Media consumers would be forgiven for assuming that the region consists of angry bearded men... Show moreThe image of the Middle East projected in current public discourses is one imbued with religion. Media consumers would be forgiven for assuming that the region consists of angry bearded men prostrating themselves in prayer when not shaking their fists and burning American flags, and shadowy women with headscarves or chadors. The region is 'the Islamic world', religion stamped on every aspect of its life and function. The 'clash of civilizations' idea, much criticized, remains a potent notion both in the West and in Muslim circles. A mythical totalized 'Muslim world' is opposed to an equally mythical unified 'West', with religion as the essence of the former and the main key to its politics and society. Show less
Roughly a decade after the Constitutional Revolution of 1905/06, many Iranians were of the opinion that constitutionalism had failed to build a sound social and political order in their country,... Show moreRoughly a decade after the Constitutional Revolution of 1905/06, many Iranians were of the opinion that constitutionalism had failed to build a sound social and political order in their country, although they understood this situation in different ways in that period of accelerating processes of social diversification. One of several social groups was the nascent modern middle class, emerging since the late 1910s, which reacted to Iran's post-constitutional troubles with a turn of attention away from political revolution to sociocultural reform as the panacea for the creation of a modern individual, society, and state. Show less
