Informal workers are a heterogeneous group distinguished by diverse activities and interests, but they have in common that they operate largely outside state regulations.In this article, we analyse... Show moreInformal workers are a heterogeneous group distinguished by diverse activities and interests, but they have in common that they operate largely outside state regulations.In this article, we analyse the ways in which informal workers in Ghana are organising (themselves) in response to proposed relocations of their workspace. Borrowing from Tsing, we distinguish three layers of friction that can lead to (structural) change, collective action, and an increase in informal workers’ political leverage. Our two case studies in Accra and Kumasi show how striving for inclusive development is a process shaped by diverse agendas and potentially conflicting interests. These relational and political aspects are crucial for understanding the frictions involved, as well as how these may lead to change. Where the tendency is to gloss over these frictions, we argue that they need to be the starting point for effective policies and initiatives for inclusive development.Résumé: Les travailleurs et travailleuses informelles constituent un groupe hétérogène qui se distingue par sa grande diversité d’activités et d’intérêts, mais qui a comme caractéristique commune le fait de fonctionner essentiellement en marge des réglementations gouvernementales. Dans cet article, nous analysons les différentes façons dont les travailleurs et travailleuses informelles au Ghana s’organisent en réponse aux délocalisations proposées de leur espace de travail. En nous inspirant de Tsing, nous distinguons trois niveaux de tension qui peuvent conduire à un changement (structurel), à une action collective et à un poids politique accru des travailleur·euse·sinformel·le·s. Nos deux études de cas à Accra et Kumasi montrent à quel point militer pour un développement inclusif est un processus façonné par des motivations diverses et des intérêts potentiellement conflictuels. Ces aspects relationnels et politiques sont cruciaux pour comprendre les tensions qui sont en jeu, ainsi que la manière dontelles peuvent conduire au changement. Alors que la tendance est de dissimuler ces nous soutenons qu’elles doivent au contraire constituer le point de départ de politiques et d’initiatives efficaces pour un développement inclusif. Show less
The Khoisan of the Cape are widely considered virtually extinct as a distinct collective following their decimation, dispossession and assimilation into the mixed-race group ‘coloured’ during... Show moreThe Khoisan of the Cape are widely considered virtually extinct as a distinct collective following their decimation, dispossession and assimilation into the mixed-race group ‘coloured’ during colonialism and apartheid. However, since the democratic transition of 1994, increasing numbers of ‘Khoisan revivalists’ are rejecting their coloured identity and engaging in activism as indigenous people. Based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork in Cape Town, this book takes an unprecedented bottom-up approach. Centring emic perspectives, it scrutinizes Khoisan revivalism’s origins and explores the diverse ways Khoisan revivalists engage with the past to articulate a sense of indigeneity and stake political claims. Show less
Current political negotiations in South Africa which explore the possibility of pre-1913 land claims and the recognition of Khoisan traditional authorities have spurred the growth of the "Khoisan... Show moreCurrent political negotiations in South Africa which explore the possibility of pre-1913 land claims and the recognition of Khoisan traditional authorities have spurred the growth of the "Khoisan revival": the phenomenon of people identifying as Khoisan and asserting indigenous rights. Based on fieldwork conducted in Cape Town in 2014 and 2015, this paper discusses the motivations and strategies of several Khoisan activists. After outlining the political context of the Khoisan revival, I show how activists make claims and demands through the use of popular imagery and a global indigenous rights discourse. While producing valuable insights, this "strategic essentialist" approach inadequately addresses motivations for claiming land. Based on a discussion of several case studies, I argue that claiming land functions not so much as a means of procuring physical or economic spaces, but as a way for activists to express grievances regarding coloured identity, history and healing. This symbolic interpretation prompts the reconceptualisation of land claims within the restitution paradigm and policy negotiations. Show less