This editorial serves as an introduction to Media and Communication’s thematic issue Policy Framing and Branding in Times of Constant Crisis. Crises cast challenges for political actors and... Show moreThis editorial serves as an introduction to Media and Communication’s thematic issue Policy Framing and Branding in Times of Constant Crisis. Crises cast challenges for political actors and concurrently create opportunities for policymaking, public reflections, and political competition. In times of crisis, when it comes to communicating policymaking but also framing the crisis itself, issues close to political communication (including political marketing and political branding) become of paramount relevance. The eight articles of this issue cover a broad array of subjects, expanding the understanding of the relevance of communication when it comes to policymaking in times of crisis, through the lens of policy framing and policy branding. Show less
Migrant populations have been consistently more vulnerable than others, with their vulnerability being exacerbated in crises such as the Covid-19 pandemic. In the meantime, in their effort to ... Show moreMigrant populations have been consistently more vulnerable than others, with their vulnerability being exacerbated in crises such as the Covid-19 pandemic. In the meantime, in their effort to “flatten the curve,” governments have been adopting policies that have significantly impacted migration in various ways. The effect of these policies has found migrants suffering disproportionately from the social and economic consequences of the pandemic crisis. Mobility restrictions have stranded them in the host countries, often without decent housing conditions, exacerbating xenophobic and discriminatory treatment of migrants. The study focuses on the case of Portugal and, more specifically, aims to provide a contextual feature of historical discussions of migration in Portugal and explore the perceptions and branding of migration policies in a crisis environment during the Covid-19 pandemic through the framing lens. Using empirical evidence from a frame analysis of parliamentary debates, the article investigates how immigration policies are branded and framed within Portugal, while it also evaluates the role of branding in migration policy-making, particularly in crisis scenarios. Overall, the article underscores the importance of branding in shaping migration policies, emphasising its significance in policy making. Show less
This book discusses theories of crisis management and the radical right, to shed light on how responses to crisis influence radical right parties in their presence, discourse, and evolution. The... Show moreThis book discusses theories of crisis management and the radical right, to shed light on how responses to crisis influence radical right parties in their presence, discourse, and evolution. The book offers a comparative perspective by examining case studies with various traditions of radical right actors, presenting data on how crisis exploitation can assist in exploring, reconsidering, bargaining, and learning about the prospects of change of political parties.The book focuses on the debate on radicalization and crisis management. Similar to the already existing economic, political, post-Brexit, and migration crises in Europe, discourses of fear around the latest health crisis are paving the way for further radicalised discourse from the far right. The book looks into how radical right parties in Europe have responded to these crises. It monitors and explores how crisis exploitation impacts political strategies, opportunity-seeking behaviours, and the evolution of the discourse of radical right parties in the contemporary political landscape.Therefore, this book is a must-read for researchers, students, and policy-makers, interested in a better understanding of populism, radical right parties, electoral studies, as well as comparative politics in general. Show less
Angelou, A.; Ladi, S.; Panagiotatou, D.; Tsagkroni, V. 2023
The COVID-19 pandemic brought forward new questions about the efficient implementation of arduous public policies. Drawing evidence from the pandemic, this article argues that, during crises,... Show moreThe COVID-19 pandemic brought forward new questions about the efficient implementation of arduous public policies. Drawing evidence from the pandemic, this article argues that, during crises, policymakers will often opt for evidence-informed policymaking, hoping for better results. In line with previous studies, we show that citizens trust more policies coming from experts rather than policymakers and elected politicians. We also add nuance to these claims as we attribute this tendency to the technocratic legitimacy thesis, referring to the symbolic significance of expert authority. Employing a public opinion survey conducted across four European countries, Germany, Greece, Sweden, and the United Kingdom, we show that independently of prior levels of political trust and each country's mortality rate, citizens welcomed evidence-informed policies during the pandemic's first wave. Politicians can leverage these insights to increase public compliance with crisis management policies. Show less
Since the 1980s, the Greek political scene had been observing far-right movements and parties emerging in countries throughout Europe, without experiencing any similar phenomena within its own... Show moreSince the 1980s, the Greek political scene had been observing far-right movements and parties emerging in countries throughout Europe, without experiencing any similar phenomena within its own borders. However, in 2012, Greece would become the first country of Europe that would host, in the national parliament, a neo-Nazi party, the party of Golden Dawn. The country that since 2008 has been in a constant series of crises (economic, societal and political), was now also called to reflect on the emerging question: ‘How did we get here?’. In a country where, since its political change-over of 1974, democratization, tolerance and hospitality were the mainstream political discourse of parties throughout the left-right spectrum, a shift of that scale would be considered highly implausible. However, despite the internal collisions, disruptions and confrontations in far right movements, they managed to remain, maintain and preserve support within the electorate, reflecting the notion of extremism rooted in the Greek society. This chapter addresses not only successful expressions of far-right in Greece, like LA.O.S., Golden Dawn or Greek Solution, but also tries to identify the origins since the political change-over, of a political scene that was seen as a pariah that arose to shake the national democratic institutions. Building on the already extended bibliography on far-right (Mudde 2019, Ignazi 1996, Minkenbert 2011, Rydgren 2018) the chapter follows Greek far-right from 1974 onwards. As its compass it uses the predominant criteria of nationalism, racism, nativism and anti-establishment attitudes, in order to transcribe and narrate its foretold story. Show less
This article examines the relationship between populism and crisis and highlights its symbiotic character. It outlines some of the debates around the conception of crisis and populism and discusses... Show moreThis article examines the relationship between populism and crisis and highlights its symbiotic character. It outlines some of the debates around the conception of crisis and populism and discusses the critical role of crisis management and exploitation, as an internal strategy for populist actor to interest and attain support. While external causal mechanism could explain the emergence and performance of populist actors in a crisis framed environment, what this article argues is that populism and crisis are overarching, placing crisis management and exploitation as essential theoretical contribution to understanding further populism. Show less
The aim of this chapter is to contribute to the debate on deconstructing the gender binary, toexplore notions of experiencing shame and violence, and also to identify key points of self-concept... Show moreThe aim of this chapter is to contribute to the debate on deconstructing the gender binary, toexplore notions of experiencing shame and violence, and also to identify key points of self-concept ingenderqueer people, by running a survey in three different countries: Greece, the UK and the Netherlands.The survey is the first to explore the impact of this gender- binary discourse and the experience of shameand violence within this frame, within the genderaqueer community in a comparative perspective. Thechapter contributes to the debate on perceptions of masculinity and femininity in association with shameand violence, while reconnoitring the role of culture as a driver of these perceptions and how that role leadsto the re-evaluation of the self along with the sense and impact of shame as a relational process with the self and the society. The survey approaches shame and violence, not only in terms of how they are perceived by the genderqueer community, but also of how they are expressed, e.g. in a passive way (directed violence against a person) or active way (person as actor engaging in violent behaviour) in everyday life. The application of different perspectives on confronting the binary, power and shame provides a critical take on the gender-based debate and on the crux of self-concept and identifies breaks with existing thinking and practice that are essential to any reform of gender recognition policy. Show less
In an expanding media verse that is increasingly intertwined with the world of politics, this special issue is seeking to explore the ramifications and broader impacts of new media practices in the... Show moreIn an expanding media verse that is increasingly intertwined with the world of politics, this special issue is seeking to explore the ramifications and broader impacts of new media practices in the political realm, while the existence and operation of a broad range of social media outlets has, itself, become highly politicized in recent years. Show less
This editorial serves as an introduction to Media and Communication’s thematic issue “Media and Migration in the Covid-19 Pandemic: Discourses, Policies, and Practices in Times of Crisis.” This... Show more This editorial serves as an introduction to Media and Communication’s thematic issue “Media and Migration in the Covid-19 Pandemic: Discourses, Policies, and Practices in Times of Crisis.” This thematic issue presents a space for discussion on ways in which digital infrastructures and media have an impact on understandings and experiences of migration during the pandemic. The seven articles in this volume offer an integrated account of this issue from many empirical studies adopting a multi-actor perspective while also involving different methodologies and cross-cultural and interdisciplinary frameworks. The contributions featured in this thematic issue shed new light on the role of mediated processes and discourses around migration and may be of assistance to understanding the opportunities and challenges of leveraging media technologies to promote inclusive, sustainable, and meaningful participation and representation of migrants beyond the pandemic. Show less
Η παρούσα έκθεση πραγματεύεται τις ελληνικές στάσεις απέναντι στην ευρωπαϊκή ολοκλήρωση, με ιδιαίτερη έμφαση στην νεολαία. Από τη λεπτομερή ανάλυση πρωτογενών δεδομένων εντοπίστηκαν διακριτές... Show moreΗ παρούσα έκθεση πραγματεύεται τις ελληνικές στάσεις απέναντι στην ευρωπαϊκή ολοκλήρωση, με ιδιαίτερη έμφαση στην νεολαία. Από τη λεπτομερή ανάλυση πρωτογενών δεδομένων εντοπίστηκαν διακριτές διαφορές μεταξύ των γενεών, ανάμεσα στα άτομα ηλικίας κάτω και άνω των 35 ετών, τόσο στην εξέλιξη όσο και στους προσδιοριστικούς παράγοντες των στάσεων απέναντι στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση (ΕΕ).Πρώτον, οι νέοι Έλληνες είναι γενικά πιο θετικά διακείμενοι απέναντι στην ΕΕ και πιο αισιόδοξοι για το μέλλον της σε σύγκριση με τις ομάδες μεγαλύτερης ηλικίας. Η εθνική (ελληνική) τους ταυτότητα δεν έρχεται σε αντίθεση με την ευρωπαϊκή : και οι δύο συνυπάρχουν και είναι αμφότερα σημαντικές για το πώς οι νέοι αξιολογούν τις μελλοντικές προοπτικές τους. Αντιθέτως, ο βαθμός στον οποίο οι νέοι είναι ευχαριστημένοι συνολικά από τη ζωή τους στην Ελλάδα επηρεάζει, σε μεγάλο βαθμό, τον τρόπο που βλέπουν την ΕΕ.Δεύτερον, οι νέοι Έλληνες έχουν απόλυτη συνείδηση των ελλείψεων της ευρωπαϊκής ενοποίησης, όπως αυτές εκδηλώθηκαν στον χειρισμό της οικονομικής κρίσης. Συγκεκριμένα, θεωρούν ότι η ΕΕ έχει επωφεληθεί δυσανάλογα από την ελληνική ένταξη και όχι το αντίστροφο και είναι επικριτικοί για τον χειρισμό της κρίσης τόσο από τις ελληνικές κυβερνήσεις, όσο και από την ΕΕ.Τρίτον, μολαταύτα, οι νέοι στην Ελλάδα αρνούνται να συμμετάσχουν σε παιχνίδια απόδοσης ευθυνών για το ποιός έκανε τί και πότε. Αντιθέτως, επικεντρώνονται σε συγκεκριμένες δημόσιες πολιτικές, αναμένοντας ότι η ΕΕ θα συνεχίσει να βοηθά τη χώρα τους στο χειρισμό διεθνικών προβλημάτων, όπως η κλιματική αλλαγή και η μετανάστευση, και υποστηρίζοντας τις μεταρρυθμίσεις της ελληνικής δημόσιας διοίκησης σύμφωνα με τις βέλτιστες πρακτικές της ΕΕ.Τέταρτον, οι νέοι Έλληνες απέχουν πολύ από το εγωιστικό στερεότυπο της μεγιστοποίησης της ατομικής ωφέλειας. Η στάση τους προς την ΕΕ επηρεάζεται έντονα από αυτό που θεωρούν ότι είναι συμφέρον της χώρας και όχι από τις προσωπικές τους οικονομικές συνθήκες. Οι νέοι επίσης αποδέχονται εμφατικά την προσωπική ευθύνη για την αντιμετώπιση συλλογικών προβλημάτων.Τέλος, οι στάσεις για την ευρωπαϊκή ενοποίηση επηρεάζονται από πολύ συγκεκριμένους στόχους πολιτικής. Η υποστήριξη στην ΕΕ συμβαδίζει με θετικές στάσεις απέναντι στην ιδιωτική επιχείρηση, την επιχειρηματικότητα, τις πολιτικές υπέρ της ανάπτυξης, τη μείωση της ανισότητας και του αυταρχισμού. Εκείνοι που βλέπουν την κρίση ως ευκαιρία υποστηρίζουν την περαιτέρω ολοκλήρωση, έχοντας επίγνωση του γεγονότος ότι οι κρίσεις μας επιτρέπουν να επανεκτιμήσουμε λάθη του παρελθόντος και να χαράξουμε νέες προοπτικές για το μέλλον. Το κεντρικό συμπέρασμα της έκθεσης, οπως προκύπτει από τη διεξοδική ανάλυση πρωτογενών δεδομένων, είναι ότι οι καλές πολιτικές, και όχι μόνον η καλή πολιτική, αποτελεί τον αποτελεσματικότερο τρόπο για να εδραιωθεί η ευρωπαϊκή προοπτική της Ελλάδας. Show less
The 2015 elections in Greece signalled a change in the country’s government. SYRIZA, the main party of the new coalition, was elected on the promise of clashing with the European and international... Show moreThe 2015 elections in Greece signalled a change in the country’s government. SYRIZA, the main party of the new coalition, was elected on the promise of clashing with the European and international institutions to alleviate the burden of foreign control on Greece’s policies and politics. Through a chronicle narrative, this article explains the behaviour of the two main actors for Greece, i.e. Alexis Tsipras and Yanis Varoufakis, during the negotiations with the EU and the rest of the world, highlighting their inability to act as policy entrepreneurs and to form supportive networks with their interlocutors to achieve their goals. Show less
This chapter focusses on how the Covid-19 pandemic, and the crisissurrounding it, was used as a populist political instrument in the USto dominate public and political discourse and steer opinion... Show moreThis chapter focusses on how the Covid-19 pandemic, and the crisissurrounding it, was used as a populist political instrument in the USto dominate public and political discourse and steer opinion towardssupporting President Trump’s radical-right agenda. The politicisationof fear as a strategy in pursuit of radical-right agendas, with the objectiveof retaining political power at all costs, is examined at length.Ruthless exploitation of fear of the unknown by Trump and his closeaides and leading supporters led to blaming, demonisation, and scapegoatingof 'the other,' whether foreign nations, foreigners, scientists,and medical experts holding evidence-based positions that contradictedradical-right emotional or political opinions, or indeed anyonedaring to challenge radical-right assertions or their numerous conspiracytheories. The chapter addresses how, in an attempt to hijacknational virtues, radical-right populists sought to strengthen theiridentity through 'othering,' juxtaposing themselves with 'the other,'and projecting themselves as sole paragons of conservatism, patriotism,and protecting democracy. Risks to various parties are systematicallyidentified. Show less
Η κρίση του 2015-16 και η απότομη αύξηση των ροών από τη Μέση Ανατολή και τη Βόρειο Αφρική δημιούργησαν ένα πιεστικό και πολύπλοκο πολιτικό, οικονομικό και κοινωνικό πλαίσιο στην Ελλάδα και την... Show moreΗ κρίση του 2015-16 και η απότομη αύξηση των ροών από τη Μέση Ανατολή και τη Βόρειο Αφρική δημιούργησαν ένα πιεστικό και πολύπλοκο πολιτικό, οικονομικό και κοινωνικό πλαίσιο στην Ελλάδα και την Ευρώπη. Το πλαίσιο αυτό χαρακτηρίστηκε από το κλείσιμο των συνόρων, τη συμφωνία ΕΕ-Τουρκίας, τη δημιουργία προσωρινών δομών φιλοξενίας, συχνά ανεπαρκών, αλλά και από έντονη κοινωνική δυσαρέσκεια. Σύμφωνα με την Ύπατη Αρμοστεία του ΟΗΕ για τους Πρόσφυγες, από τις αρχές του 2014 και μέχρι τον Οκτώβριο του 2019, περίπου 2.050. 000 άτομα διέσχισαν τη Μεσόγειο αναζητώντας ένα καλύτερο μέλλον. 3 Οι χώρες της Νότιας Ευρώπης αποτέλεσαν και αποτελούν τα κύρια σημεία εισόδου στην Ευρώπη. Η δε Ελλάδα, λόγω της γεωγραφικής της θέσης, βρίσκεται στο επίκεντρο αυτού του φαινομένου. Show less
