This article addresses some issues related to Voice and little v. It does so by discussing and analyzing the variation that exists in the Chinese language family with respect to object placement ... Show moreThis article addresses some issues related to Voice and little v. It does so by discussing and analyzing the variation that exists in the Chinese language family with respect to object placement (VO versus OV). It turns out that this variation can be accounted for straightforwardly as long as we assume, first, that Voice and v are sometimes split and sometimes bundled, even within one language, and, second, that Voice does not always select vP; it can also select VP. Show less
Abstract This paper offers an analysis of ka41, an aspectual element in ChangshaXiang Chinese. It is argued that this element occupies a position in the inneraspectualstructure of the clause,... Show moreAbstract This paper offers an analysis of ka41, an aspectual element in ChangshaXiang Chinese. It is argued that this element occupies a position in the inneraspectualstructure of the clause, between the higher aspectual marker ta21 and thelower elements expressing a lexical result (like clean in wash clean). On the basis ofits co-occurrence with various verb types, we treat ka41 as an achievement marker:when present, it blocks any reading in which the denoted event proceeds along amulti-point scale, allowing only the instantaneous, two-point scale reading in whichthe beginning and the endpoint of the event coincide. On the basis of its syntacticdistribution we argue that the syntactic position ka41 occupies is an intermediateaspectual projection (Asp2P) in the inner aspect domain, which is sandwichedbetween the lowest inner aspectual projection dedicated to telicity and the highestone signaling perfectivity (or realization of the end point). We review the implicationsof the analysis for the aspectual domain of Mandarin clauses and point outthat the intermediate inner aspectual projection (Asp2P) we introduce for Changshaappears to be a suitable syntactic position for the structural analysis of the small setof grammaticalized items generally known as “Phase complements” as well. Show less
This paper is about the type of sentences which consist of a subject, a simple eventive verb followed by an aspectual marker, and a bare object. These sentences are generally considered incomplete... Show moreThis paper is about the type of sentences which consist of a subject, a simple eventive verb followed by an aspectual marker, and a bare object. These sentences are generally considered incomplete or ungrammatical. The approach taken here is that they are degraded because they are non-finite. Taking a functional definition of a finite sentence as the point of departure (a finite sentence can independently refer to events in the extra-linguistic world), this paper uses the Reichenbach-Klein framework to determine that a finite sentence must contain CP, TP, AspP and a VP containing an event role (e-role). This e-role must be bound by an aspectual marker. It is argued that what may be wrong with the “incomplete” sentences is that either one of these elements is missing or there is something wrong with the connection between them. What plays a crucial role in these sentences is that there is a mismatch between the bareness of the predicate, which suggests a stative or habitual interpretation, and the presence of an aspect marker, which is incompatible which such a predicate, because it lacks the relevant e-role, so that there is nothing for the aspect marker to bind. It is shown that all measures that can be taken to “complete” these sentences have the function of bringing the e-role, thus undoing the mismatch. This paper relies heavily of the work done by others, such as Kǒng (1994), Hé (1994), Hú and Shí (2005), Gù (2008) and Tsai (2008). What is new is the connection with finiteness. Show less
Abstract This paper offers an analysis of ka41, an aspectual element in ChangshaXiang Chinese. It is argued that this element occupies a position in the inneraspectualstructure of the clause,... Show moreAbstract This paper offers an analysis of ka41, an aspectual element in ChangshaXiang Chinese. It is argued that this element occupies a position in the inneraspectualstructure of the clause, between the higher aspectual marker ta21 and thelower elements expressing a lexical result (like clean in wash clean). On the basis ofits co-occurrence with various verb types, we treat ka41 as an achievement marker:when present, it blocks any reading in which the denoted event proceeds along amulti-point scale, allowing only the instantaneous, two-point scale reading in whichthe beginning and the endpoint of the event coincide. On the basis of its syntacticdistribution we argue that the syntactic position ka41 occupies is an intermediateaspectual projection (Asp2P) in the inner aspect domain, which is sandwichedbetween the lowest inner aspectual projection dedicated to telicity and the highestone signaling perfectivity (or realization of the end point). We review the implicationsof the analysis for the aspectual domain of Mandarin clauses and point outthat the intermediate inner aspectual projection (Asp2P) we introduce for Changshaappears to be a suitable syntactic position for the structural analysis of the small setof grammaticalized items generally known as “Phase complements” as well. Show less
Abstract This paper offers an analysis of ka41, an aspectual element in ChangshaXiang Chinese. It is argued that this element occupies a position in the inneraspectualstructure of the clause,... Show moreAbstract This paper offers an analysis of ka41, an aspectual element in ChangshaXiang Chinese. It is argued that this element occupies a position in the inneraspectualstructure of the clause, between the higher aspectual marker ta21 and thelower elements expressing a lexical result (like clean in wash clean). On the basis ofits co-occurrence with various verb types, we treat ka41 as an achievement marker:when present, it blocks any reading in which the denoted event proceeds along amulti-point scale, allowing only the instantaneous, two-point scale reading in whichthe beginning and the endpoint of the event coincide. On the basis of its syntacticdistribution we argue that the syntactic position ka41 occupies is an intermediateaspectual projection (Asp2P) in the inner aspect domain, which is sandwichedbetween the lowest inner aspectual projection dedicated to telicity and the highestone signaling perfectivity (or realization of the end point). We review the implicationsof the analysis for the aspectual domain of Mandarin clauses and point outthat the intermediate inner aspectual projection (Asp2P) we introduce for Changshaappears to be a suitable syntactic position for the structural analysis of the small setof grammaticalized items generally known as “Phase complements” as well. Show less
Mandarin and Cantonese, both of which are numeral classifier languages, present an interesting puzzle concerning a compositional account of number in the various forms of nominals. First, bare... Show moreMandarin and Cantonese, both of which are numeral classifier languages, present an interesting puzzle concerning a compositional account of number in the various forms of nominals. First, bare nouns are number neutral (or vague in number). Second, cl-noun combinations appear to have different interpretations depending on contexts. When they occur in isolation (bare clnoun), they can only be interpreted as singular. When they occur with numerals above one, or with expressions such as hěn duō/hou2 do1 ‘a lot’ they are interpreted as plural. This paper discusses the relevant data, as well as three potential solutions to this puzzle. In section 1, we present a brief overview of the basic data in both Cantonese and Mandarin, including the co-occurrence of measure words such as hěn duō/hou2 do1 ‘a lot’ and classifiers. In section 2, we discuss the interpretation and syntactic status of the elements di1 (Cantonese) and xiē (Mandarin), which we argue to be a special type of classifiers (contra Iljic 1994). We present three potential analyses to explain the shift in number in Chinese nominals in section 3, and we show that though we can rule out one analysis, further study is needed to determine whether one of the remaining analyses is correct. Show less
