The concept of ’negative sanctions’ has for many years been employed in political science. The author describes the way in which the concept has been operationalized by R. E. Agger, D. Goldrich and... Show moreThe concept of ’negative sanctions’ has for many years been employed in political science. The author describes the way in which the concept has been operationalized by R. E. Agger, D. Goldrich and B. E. Swanson in the Rulers and the Ruled and by J. F. Medler in Negative Sanctions: Their Perception and their Impact in the Political System. Since the author’s main interest centers on reasons for political apathy, special attention is paid to the subjective aspect of the problem: do citizens expect to be sanctioned for political activities? Some of the problems of adapting the questions used in American research to measure sanction-perceptions, to the Dutch situation, are discussed. Sanction expectations were, in the author’s research, tied to a special kind of political activity namely expressing one’s opinion in public on an issue salient at the time: Republic or Monarchy. Sanctions included reprisals expected from governmental authorities. One fourth of the Amsterdam respondents expected to be registered by the B.V.D. (the Dutch F.B.I.), if they openly expressed a preference for the Republic. Fifteen percent thought that a preference for the Republic would make it harder to get governmental financial support. Eight percent thought they would get trouble with the police. Other expectations with regard to economic and social sanctions, as well as with regard to positive sanctions, are presented. Show less
The article consists of a preliminary analysis of data of a sample-survey, conducted after the elections for the municipal council of Amsterdam, June 1966. Special emphasis is laid on social... Show moreThe article consists of a preliminary analysis of data of a sample-survey, conducted after the elections for the municipal council of Amsterdam, June 1966. Special emphasis is laid on social background variables, political attitudes and motives of the floating voters. The electorates of the Pacifist Socialist Party and of the Farmers’ Party are studied, as well as the electorate of a new political movement; the Proves. Furthermore, distributions are presented of voters’ opinions on three issues that were hotly debated before the elections: the marriage of Princess Beatrix to Mr. Claus von Arnsberg, a German; the treatment of the proves by the police, and the constitutional position of the mayor. Data on the social background variables and political attitudes of the floating voters do not support the hypothesis that it is mainly the uninterested and apathetic voter who floats. A study of their motives reveals, furthermore, that floaters themselves see their change of party choice as a meaningful political gesture. The voters for the Pacifist Socialist Party, as well as Farmers’ Party-voters — small parties of the radical left and the extreme right respectively — feel less than other voters that their parties represent their political views adequately, and they feel a greater need for a new party that does represent their views. Provo-voters are, on the whole, more attracted by Provo’s constructive plans than by the more anarchistic aspects of their platform. As the Farmers’ Patty is often designated in the press and by political commentators as a neo-fascist party, their voters’ attitudes towards freedom of speech are compared. Voters of the Farmers’ Party do not show themselves to be more intolerant than other voters in this respect. With regard to the opinions on the above-mentioned issues: 28% of the Amsterdam electorate declared to have been opposed to tire marriage of Princess Beatrix; 25% of the voters disapproved of the treatment of the Proves by the police; a majority of the voters, 53%, showed a preference for a system whereby citizens elect the mayor over the present system of governmentappointed mayorspossible constitutional developments by a curtailment of the constitution’s size, has unfortunately not been accompanied by a clear insight into future social, economic and political developments. These could stimulate, or even necessitate, an easier procedure of revision of the constitution. The Concept was drafted by a group of civil servants, assisted by juridical advisers, — a fact that made it only a technical revision with a conservative flavour. One of the important problems concerns the cabinet formation with its consultation procedure. The present system keeps the parties from binding themselves to coalition partners before the elections — a deplorable situation. The abolishment of political parties would not be very realistic, for political parties are more than mere rational istic ‘channels of political opinion’ — their life and function is based above all upon their social roots. The same applies to a revision of our electoral system; the distribution of the votes is determined by these same social forces rather than by the system. These social factors also make the use of compromise and coalition inevitable. In the author’s view, the solution lies in a revision of the formation procedure, which would enable the parties to present to the electorate several alternative coalition governments before the elections (by way of combining their lists). On this point a revision of the constitution, although not formally required, deserves recommendation. Show less
