This book explores the relationship between plantation labour and gender in Africa, particularly Cameroon. It demonstrates that the introduction of plantation labour during colonial rule has had... Show moreThis book explores the relationship between plantation labour and gender in Africa, particularly Cameroon. It demonstrates that the introduction of plantation labour during colonial rule has had significant consequences for gender roles and relations within and beyond the capitalist labour process. These effects have been quite ambivalent, being marked by both profound changes and remarkable continuities. The book focuses on two tea estates established in anglophone Cameroon in the 1950s, the Tole Estate and the Ndu Estate, the first employing mainly female pluckers, the second mainly male pluckers. This allows for an examination of the variations in male and female workers' modes of resistance to the control and exploitation they meet in the labour process. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Neoliberalism has become the dominant development agenda in Africa, but neoliberal experiments have displayed a remarkable diversity in different countries. This book focuses on Cameroon, where... Show moreNeoliberalism has become the dominant development agenda in Africa, but neoliberal experiments have displayed a remarkable diversity in different countries. This book focuses on Cameroon, where the neoliberal project has been influenced by the nation's complex economic and political history. Currently, the country is witnessing resistance to the neoliberal experiment by the authoritarian and neopatrimonial elite, as well as various civil society groups. The book examines elite opposition to the neoliberal reforms imposed by the Bretton Woods institutions and Western donors, the role of the Social Democratic Front (SDF), the effects of two key policy prescriptions of the neoliberal agenda, namely privatization and global open markets, political liberalization and the secessionist movement in Anglophone Cameroon, the link between privatization, good governance and ethnoregional conflict, the border dispute between Cameroon and Nigeria, China-Cameroon relations in the era of neoliberal globalization, political liberalization and the 1990-1996 student revolt, innovative activities of the youth in Douala to cope with the economic crisis, trade unionism and globalization, and changes in the position of workers on the Ndu Tea Estate during the economic crisis and liberalization. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
This book discusses the consequences of the economic and financial crisis that befell the Cameroonian agro-industrial sector in the 1980s, using as a case study the plantation economy of the... Show moreThis book discusses the consequences of the economic and financial crisis that befell the Cameroonian agro-industrial sector in the 1980s, using as a case study the plantation economy of the anglophone region of Cameroon. Two agro-industrial enterprises have dominated the plantation sector: a huge parastatal enterprise, the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC), and a private company, Plantations Pamol du Cameroun Ltd, a subsidiary of Unilever. The crisis of the 1980s brought both companies to the verge of collapse and led to a number of neoliberal economic reforms, including the withdrawal of State intervention and the restructuring, liquidation and privatization of the agro-industrial enterprises. These reforms in turn had severe consequences for several civil society groups that had a direct stake in the plantation economy, notably the regional elite, chiefs, plantation workers and their unions, and contract farmers. The study shows that these groups have never resigned themselves to their fate but have been actively involved in a variety of formal and informal methods of resistance. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Civil society and empowerment have become buzz words in neoliberal development discourse. Yet many unanswered questions remain on the actual nature and configuration assumed by civil society in... Show moreCivil society and empowerment have become buzz words in neoliberal development discourse. Yet many unanswered questions remain on the actual nature and configuration assumed by civil society in specific contexts. Typically, while neoliberals perceive civil-society organisations as vital intermediary channels for the successful implementation of desired economic and political reforms, they are inclined to blame the current resurgence of the politics of belonging for the poor record of these reforms in Africa and elsewhere. This book rejects such notions and argues that the relationship between civil society and the politics of belonging is more complex in Africa than western donors and scholars are willing to admit. Konings argues that ethno-regional associations and movements are even more significant constituents of civil society in Africa than the conventional civil-society organisations that are often uncritically imposed or endorsed. He convincingly shows how the politics of belonging, so pervasive in Cameroon, and indeed much of Africa, during the current neoliberal economic and political reforms, has tended to penetrate the entire range of associational life. This calls for a critical re-appraisal of prevalent notions and assumptions about civil society in the interest of African reality. Hence the importance of this book! Show less
During the current economic and political crisis in sub-Saharan Africa, urban dwellers tend to display a large measure of creativity in the invention of survival strategies, the development of... Show moreDuring the current economic and political crisis in sub-Saharan Africa, urban dwellers tend to display a large measure of creativity in the invention of survival strategies, the development of social networks, and the construction of imaginative practices. This collective volume explores the importance of the urban neighbourhood in these creative processes. Two different approaches to the neighbourhood are pinpointed. The first perceives the neighbourhood as a geographical domain in which people are engaged in a variety of activities to advance their material and immaterial well-being, making use of the 'wealth' of opportunities, assets and forms of 'capital' (natural, physical, financial, human and social). The second approach sees the neighbourhood not as necessarily geographically bounded, but as created and defined by human beings. These 'neighbourhoods' may take the form of self-help organizations, associations, churches, etc. or may be based on gender, generational, ethnic and occupational identities. The two approaches do not necessarily exclude each other. The volume contains contributions on Nakuru, Kenya (Samuel OwuorandDick Foeken), Douala, Cameroon (Piet Konings; Basile Ndjio), Kampala, Uganda (Emmanuel Nkurunziza), Kano, Nigeria (Katja Werthmann), Accra, Ghana (Deborah Pellow), Dar es Salaam, Tanzania (Eileen Moyer), Lom‚, Togo (Charles Piot), Mongo, Chad (Mirjam de Bruijn), and Aioun el Atrouss, Mauritania (Kiky van Til). [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Academic staff trade unions in universities have succeeded in preserving a considerable degree of autonomy versus the state in a number of West African countries since independence, enabling them... Show moreAcademic staff trade unions in universities have succeeded in preserving a considerable degree of autonomy versus the state in a number of West African countries since independence, enabling them to play a significant role in the defence of their members' interests. Cameroon forms an exception in the region as it was not until political liberalisation in the early 1990s that an autonomous academic staff trade union emerged there. This article examines the role of this trade union amidst the deep crisis bedevilling the university system in Cameroon. Faced with apparent government insensitivity to its demands, it has displayed a considerable degree of militancy but its failure to achieve important gains for its members has, it will be argued, been mainly due to the government's evasive and repressive strategies. Only recently have the government and the university authorities become more prepared to solve university teachers' contractual problems and grievances through dialogue and negotiation. Show less
This article examines the historical process leading to the emergence of Anglophone nationalism in public space during the liberalisation process in the 1990s in Cameroon. Anglophone nationalism... Show moreThis article examines the historical process leading to the emergence of Anglophone nationalism in public space during the liberalisation process in the 1990s in Cameroon. Anglophone nationalism poses a severe threat to the post-colonial State's nation-building project that has been driven by the firm determination of the Francophone political elite to dominate the Anglophone minority and to erase the cultural and the institutional foundations of Anglophone identity. Persistent attempts by the Francophone-dominated State to control the newly created Anglophone movements have made Anglophone nationalists resort to less obtrusive forms of resistance, creating public space for an Anglophone identity and nationhood in historical, artistic, virtual, legal and everyday domains. Bibliographical references, notes, and summary in English and French. [Journal abstract] Show less
Privatization has become a cornerstone of the linkage between good governance and structural adjustment as formulated by Western donors and creditors. This case study of Cameroon, however, shows... Show morePrivatization has become a cornerstone of the linkage between good governance and structural adjustment as formulated by Western donors and creditors. This case study of Cameroon, however, shows that privatization schemes have often failed to promote any transparency and accountability in public-sector reforms or to encourage greater participation of civil society in the decisionmaking process. Instead, privatization schemes have frequently led to vehement protests from ethno-regional organizations, particularly when they have felt excluded from the sale of vital regional public enterprises to well-placed nationals or to foreign-owned enterprises. This is illustrated by the case of the privatization of the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC). Bibliogr., notes, ref. sum. in English, French and German. [Journal abstract, edited] Show less
This article examines the impact of current neoliberal political reforms on trade union performance in West and Central Africa. To what extent have trade unions been involved in the political... Show moreThis article examines the impact of current neoliberal political reforms on trade union performance in West and Central Africa. To what extent have trade unions been involved in the political restructuring of the State? Has political liberalization constrained or enhanced their political influence and ability to defend their members' interests? The article offers a comparative study of the role of trade unions in two African countries, Ghana and Cameroon. Trade union responses to economic and political liberalization appear to be quite different in these countries: generally positive in Ghana and clearly negative in Cameroon. The author argues that a range of factors is responsible for this situation, including differences in the impact of structural adjustment, the nature of the State and State-society relations, the organizational capacity of the unions, their relationship with political parties and other civil-society organizations, and their search for innovative ways to respond to neoliberal reforms. In Ghana, there have been significant changes in State-trade union relations, while the Cameroonian case has been characterized by a remarkable degree of continuity in these relations. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
This article explores the reasons for, and the repercussions of, a virulent and protracted crisis in the South West Province of anglophone Cameroon during the 1990s caused by the emergence of a... Show moreThis article explores the reasons for, and the repercussions of, a virulent and protracted crisis in the South West Province of anglophone Cameroon during the 1990s caused by the emergence of a Pentecostalism-inspired revival movement within the Roman Catholic Church. The so-called Maranatha movement and main-line Catholicism were viewed by both parties as incompatible, almost leading to a schism within the Church. The originally internal Church dispute gradually became a particularly explosive issue in the region when the politics of belonging, fuelled by the government and the regional elite during political liberalization, became pervasive. Includes bibliographical references, notes and summaries in English and French. [Journal abstract] Show less
Political liberalization in Cameroon has been marked by the construction and mobilization of ethno-regional identities that pose a major challenge to the postcolonial nation-State project. This... Show morePolitical liberalization in Cameroon has been marked by the construction and mobilization of ethno-regional identities that pose a major challenge to the postcolonial nation-State project. This book focuses on Anglophone Cameroon, a region characterized by a widespread feeling that reunification with Francophone Cameroon in 1961 has led to a growing marginalization of the Anglophone minority. The book traces the historical trajectory of Anglophone Cameroon to reunification and outlines the strategies used by the Francophone-dominated State to undermine the identity of Anglophone Cameroon, the emergence of Anglophone organizations in the aftermath of political liberalization in the 1990s, the strategies employed by the Biya government to deconstruct the Anglophone identity, and Anglophone and Francophone responses to the Anglophone movements' views. It pays special attention to two of the major confrontations between the government and the Anglophones, namely the struggles for the preservation of the Anglophone educational and economic legacies. The book concludes with some suggestions on how the present stalemate between the regime and the Anglophone movement could be broken. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
The political liberalization process in Cameroon was marked by protracted strike actions on the campus of the University of Yaounde during the period 1990-1996. Political liberalization provided... Show moreThe political liberalization process in Cameroon was marked by protracted strike actions on the campus of the University of Yaounde during the period 1990-1996. Political liberalization provided space for students to organize and voice their multiple grievances about the poor living and study conditions on campus as well as the process of "institutional liberalization", which blocked their pursuit of upward mobility. The unprecedented degree of violence that accompanied the protracted strikes may be attributed not only to the persistent refusal of the university authorities and the regime to enter into any meaningful form of dialogue with the students, but also to the internal divisions among the students along party and ethnoregional lines. The major lines of division were between two groups: the "stranger" students organized in the Students' Parliament and closely allied to the radical opposition; and the "autochthonous" Beti students organized in the Committee for Self-Defense and the Beti militia and closely allied to the regime in power. In their fight with Parliament, the latter groups resorted to violent forms of ethnic exclusion to reestablish control over what they considered to be their university and to maintain their regime in power. (Journal abstract) Show less
This paper discusses the repression of the identity of the anglophone minority in Cameroon after the initial liberalization of the one-party francophone-dominated State of President Paul Biya... Show moreThis paper discusses the repression of the identity of the anglophone minority in Cameroon after the initial liberalization of the one-party francophone-dominated State of President Paul Biya since the early 1990s. The reactivation of anglophone identity at the time of democratization became manifest in the emergence of the Social Democratic Front (SDF), the first opposition party, and other anglophone organizations, and this posed a threat to the regime and to the unitary State. The Biya regime has been quite successful in its strategies to deconstruct anglophone identity and disempower the anglophones. One strategy has been a refusal to negotiate about a return to a federal State or peaceful secession, and a resort to outright repression. Another government strategy has been to re-establish control over the media. An important strategy has also been to apply a divide and rule policy and to fuel the existing tensions between South-Westerners, or the coastal/forest people, and North-Westerners, or grassfields people, in the anglophone territory. In this way and through the construction of new ethnic identities, the regime has attempted to crosscut the francophone-anglophone divide. Bibliogr., notes, ref., sum Show less
The root of the 'anglophone problem' in Cameroon may be traced back to 1961, when the political elites of two territories with different colonial legacies - one French and the other British -... Show moreThe root of the 'anglophone problem' in Cameroon may be traced back to 1961, when the political elites of two territories with different colonial legacies - one French and the other British - agreed on the formation of a federal State. Contrary to expectations, this did not provide for the equal partnership of both parties, let alone for the preservation of the cultural heritage and identity of each, but turned out to be merely a transitory phase to the total integration of the anglophone region into a strongly centralized, unitary State. Gradually, this created an anglophone consciousness: the feeling of being marginalized by the francophone-dominated State. In the wake of political liberalization in the early 1990s, anglophone interests came to be represented first and foremost by various associations and pressure groups that initially demanded a return to the federal State. It was only after the persistent refusal of the Biya government to discuss this scenario that secession became an overt option with mounting popularity. The government's determination to defend the unitary State by all available means, including repression, could lead to an escalation of anglophone demands past a point of no return. Notes, ref Show less
À la suite de la libéralisation politique au Cameroun au début des années 1990, une partie de l'élite anglophone a commencé à s'organiser en de nombreuses associations et groupes de pression pour... Show moreÀ la suite de la libéralisation politique au Cameroun au début des années 1990, une partie de l'élite anglophone a commencé à s'organiser en de nombreuses associations et groupes de pression pour protester contre la prétendue position subordonnée de la minorité anglophone dans un État unitaire dominé par les francophones. Outre le SDF (Social Democratic Front) de John Fru Ndi, créé en 1990, qui s'est de plus en plus présenté comme un parti 'national' plutôt qu''anglophone', il s'agit des groupes majoritaires du CAM (Cameroon Anglophone Movement) et du AAC (All Anglophone Congress) qui ont appelé à un retour de l'État fédéral ainsi que de groupes plus radicaux comme le FWCM (Free West Cameroon Movement) et le Ambazonia Movement de Fon Gorji Dinka, qui prônent la sécession. Le refus persistant du gouvernement de Paul Biya de reconnaître l'existence d'un 'problème anglophone' et sa détermination à défendre l'État unitaire par tous les moyens possibles, y compris la répression, a amené l'Anglophone Standing Committee' créé par l'AAC, devenu le SCPC (Southern Cameroun's Peoples Conference), à adopter également une position sécessionniste. Show less
This article focuses on the regional anglophone opposition in Cameroon which arose after 15 July 1994, when the government was forced by international donors to announce the privatization of 15... Show moreThis article focuses on the regional anglophone opposition in Cameroon which arose after 15 July 1994, when the government was forced by international donors to announce the privatization of 15 public enterprises, notably in the transport and agroindustrial sectors. The most prominent among them was the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC), founded in 1946/1947. The author argues that the strong resistance of anglophones in general and the Bakweri in particular to the privatization of the CDC can only be fully understood in the context of the 'anglophone problem'. Privatization of the CDC was perceived as a further step by the francophone-dominated State towards destruction of the anglophone cultural and economic heritage. This perception was strengthened by the fact that the CDC has the reputation of being one of the rare parastatals in Cameroon which from its inception has played a significant role in regional development and which had a relatively good performance record until the economic crisis. Moreover, the Bakweri, the owners of the CDC lands, were not consulted. Show less
Contrary to the studies of ethnic authorities in the Zambian and Ghanaian mines by A.L. Epstein (1958), J. Crisp (1984), and C. Lentz and V. Erlmann (1989), the present study demonstrates that... Show moreContrary to the studies of ethnic authorities in the Zambian and Ghanaian mines by A.L. Epstein (1958), J. Crisp (1984), and C. Lentz and V. Erlmann (1989), the present study demonstrates that chieftaincy has continued to play an important mediating role between capital and labour in estate tea production at Ndu, a small Wimbum town in the northeastern part of the Bamenda Grassfields in Cameroon, where the author conducted fieldwork in 1991. Capitalism has not yet penetrated deeply in this area and chiefs (or 'Fons') still occupy a powerful, even sacred, position in society. Under these circumstances, estate management has tended to rely on the local chief for both labour recruitment and worker control. While the chief often sided with the management, he also distinguished himself as the custodian of "tradition" and the champion of the interests of his (Ndu) subjects. He firmly resisted management preference for female labour as a threat to "traditional" patriarchal control. He was also inclined to endorse his subjects' loyalty to certain "traditional" norms and values which conflicted with the capitalist work ethic, and to put pressure on management to advance the careers of Ndu men. At the same time, there is evidence that the intermediary role of chieftaincy has weakened as a result of the developing trade unionism on the estate and the emergence of new power holders and several ethnic associations. Bibliogr., ref Show less
The few existing studies on the response of labour to the economic crisis and structural adjustment in African countries tend to focus on the (oppositional) relations between the State and central... Show moreThe few existing studies on the response of labour to the economic crisis and structural adjustment in African countries tend to focus on the (oppositional) relations between the State and central labour organizations. They largely ignore the response of workers and unions at the workplace. This article describes how workers and unions in the tea estates of Cameroon have dealt with the economic crisis and structural adjusment. It shows that the workers have adopted various strategies to cope with the structural adjustment measures planned and implemented by the management in close cooperation with the State-controlled unions. Two striking facts emerging from the analysis are that the majority of the estate workers have never completely abandoned their 'traditional' militancy, and that gender differences in the degree and modes of labour resistance tend to be slight. The data are derived from fieldwork carried out in 1991-1993 in the tea estates of the Cameroon Development Corporation, the largest agro-industrial parastatal in Cameroon. Show less
