This Special Issue is the culmination of the Diversity, Inclusivity, Multi-Disciplinarity in European Studies (DIMES) project, undertaken under the aegis of the University Association of European... Show moreThis Special Issue is the culmination of the Diversity, Inclusivity, Multi-Disciplinarity in European Studies (DIMES) project, undertaken under the aegis of the University Association of European Studies (UACES). DIMES was initiated in recognition of the under-representation (broadly conceived) of BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, People of Colour) academics and to address the over-representation of Western European and North American scholars and knowledge production within UACES and European Studies more generally. This introduction to the issue establishes the context for the contributions that follow. It outlines the ways in which DIMES sought to address the lack of inclusivity in European Studies, and speak also to the further aim of DIMES, the extension of the disciplinary focus of European Studies. Here, then we introduce the contributions to this special issue, which are representative of some of the many conversations held over four years with a wide range of scholars, all committed disrupting of European Studies, albeit through different means. We argue that debates about decentring, about decolonising, on the need to acknowledge the privilege and Eurocentricity that continues to dominate knowledge production traditions are pertinent for European Studies. Show less
This article makes the case for a feminist (re-)imagination of planetary politics in the context of the normative power approach and Manners' opening article in this special section. Arguing for an... Show moreThis article makes the case for a feminist (re-)imagination of planetary politics in the context of the normative power approach and Manners' opening article in this special section. Arguing for an urgent turn to a politics that embraces the whole of the planet, we ask: How can we build processes and political structures that equip us with what is needed to manage those tests now faced by the planet? We apply a critical feminist lens to argue that the potential of a normative power approach in realising a planetary politics, so challenging anthropocentrism, can only be fulfilled if political and societal actors embrace four ‘Es’: ethic of care, empathy, emancipation and equity. The cosmopolity envisioned is premised on our ability to ‘see’, ‘hear’, question – perhaps even break with – the disciplining and bounding effects of the disciplines that feed into European studies. Show less
The adoption of active learning pedagogy and, later, the institution of the employability agenda in Higher Education have resulted in a severe loss of agency for academics and students in the... Show moreThe adoption of active learning pedagogy and, later, the institution of the employability agenda in Higher Education have resulted in a severe loss of agency for academics and students in the Social Sciences. In this article, we reflect on our experiences of applying active learning methods. We argue that we have been part of a change that has occasioned a loss of key skills development, especially those associated with traditional learning and academic thinking. An overly headlong rush to implement the "new" over the "old" saw the discarding of certain skills central to the active learning agenda. Further, the emphasis on student satisfaction, professionalisation and quality assurance pushed the academic to the sidelines, to the detriment of Higher Education. We, therefore, first critique the skills debate and identify shortcomings in the active learning application that emerged from that debate. We focus on the skills emphasised in practice, how they are portrayed in opposition (instead of complementarity) to academic skills, and how they undermine the agency academics and students really require. Next, we propose a reconsideration of necessary but undervalued skills like reading, listening and note-taking. Show less
Ideas about the nature of international order have been central to the contest between Russiaand ‘the West’ in the twenty-first century and are fundamental to the relationship betweenRussia and the... Show moreIdeas about the nature of international order have been central to the contest between Russiaand ‘the West’ in the twenty-first century and are fundamental to the relationship betweenRussia and the structures and states of the European Union (EU). The extent to which thisorder is, or should be, a liberal one is the source of much political and analytical debate in theEU–Russia landscape, as is the nature of the role of the United States (US) in both internationaland European politics and security. In the context of a more assertive Russian foreign policy, arising China and a closer Sino–Russian relationship, and difficult Russia–US relations, the EUis increasingly entangled in the net of Russia’s relations with others, especially the US. Thischapter begins by considering the idea of a liberal world order (LWO), its origins, and some ofthe most significant debates about its character. Intimately connected to these debates are theissues of the LWO’s Cold War origins and its relationship to US hegemony. It explores Russia’srelationship to the LWO, and the ways in which that relationship is informed by Russian governmentalconcerns with US hegemony, or unipolarity. The chapter then considers the complexinterrelationship of Russia, the LWO and Europe before concluding with some thoughtsabout possible futures. Show less
This introduction to the Handbook explains the necessity of such a handbook for those interested in understanding the full scale and complexity of EU–Russia relations. Here, the editors also... Show moreThis introduction to the Handbook explains the necessity of such a handbook for those interested in understanding the full scale and complexity of EU–Russia relations. Here, the editors also provide an insight into the considerations involved in compiling a handbook that is composed of 40 chapters, each one treading contentious territory. The editors talk through the structure of the book, offering a frank account of the limitations and the reasons for them, as well as some of the challenges involved in assembling 40-plus authors, each with their distinct views on what is important in the relationship and who, if anyone, is to blame for the failings where failings exist. Along the way, they provide a lucid summary of the cross-cutting issues that feature in the volume, explaining their significance while simultaneously delivering insights into the nature of the actors themselves. In the final section to these prefatory remarks, the editors set out the scope for the future of the EU–Russia relationship, echoing the conclusions of the contributing authors. Show less
In 2018, the European Parliament condemned Russia for its use of disinformation campaigns, referring specifically to Russia’s use of social media to interfere in the affairs of EU member states.... Show moreIn 2018, the European Parliament condemned Russia for its use of disinformation campaigns, referring specifically to Russia’s use of social media to interfere in the affairs of EU member states. This chapter therefore focuses on social media as a space in which existing tensions in the EU–Russia relationship are played out. However, developments are situated within a wider context, on the grounds that the EU and Russia, like other actors, face the same challenges as technology develops in such a way and at such a rate as to change communications, whether social or political, in a manner that renders both citizens and governments vulnerable to those with malign or mischievous intent. Equally, however, social media offer some potential for citizens to enhance their control over the information and political spaces, a development that has also caused concern for governments in relation to political protest. Both the EU and Russia have responded to these external pressures in ways that emphasise their political and normative differences in terms of support for democracy or the undermining of it. Thus, while their responses are not necessarily bound up in their mutual relations, they nevertheless illuminate the relationship. Show less
This article tackles the question of whether US President Donald Trump’s foreign policy is informed by doctrine and, if so, what that doctrine is. In doing so, it positions itself with those who... Show moreThis article tackles the question of whether US President Donald Trump’s foreign policy is informed by doctrine and, if so, what that doctrine is. In doing so, it positions itself with those who argue for the presence of a doctrine and specifically those who argue for a doctrine of unpredictability. The article problematises current understandings of doctrine, and the notion of unpredictability itself. The tendency to rely on the rational decision-making model is identified as a hindrance to analysis that acknowledges the possibility of a doctrine premised on a deliberate strategy of obfuscation and of wrongfooting both friend and foe. A four-pronged model of unpredictability is posited, consisting of inconstancy, inconsistency, unconstrainedness, and unreliability. This model encourages research unimpeded by prior ideas that treat Western foreign policy as rational and therefore expands the range of possible foreign policy doctrines that analysts contemplate. Show less
With the poisoning of the former Russian spy, Sergei Skripal, the British Government quickly accused Russia of committing an unlawful use of force on British territory and retaliated. The UK’s... Show moreWith the poisoning of the former Russian spy, Sergei Skripal, the British Government quickly accused Russia of committing an unlawful use of force on British territory and retaliated. The UK’s diplomatic resources were deployed effectively, as more than 20 allies swiftly stood up in solidarity. Assuming the Kremlin is culpable, Vladimir Putin may have unwittingly given Theresa May an opportunity to be in the vanguard of those facing up to Russia’s challenge and to retrieve something of Britain’s diminishing reputation. But May will do well to remember that with alliances come expectations. This article examines the measures taken for signs of No 10’s sincere commitment to establishing an effective Russia policy but argues too that there is much evidence that little will change. Only with dedicated intent will substance be added to the rhetoric of 'Global Britain’. Show less
