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Loon, W. van; Vos, F. de; Fokkema, M.; Szabo, B.; Koini, M.; Schmidt, R.; Rooij, M. de 2021

Analyzing hierarchical multi-view MRI data with StaPLR: an application to Alzheimer's disease classification

Research paper

open access

Piro, L.; Ahlers, M.; Coleiro, A.; Colpi, M.; de Oña Wilhelmi, E.; Guainazzi, M.; ... ; Eerten, H. van 2021

Multi-messenger-Athena synergy white paper

Research paper

open access

Abbink, G.J. 2021

The Atlantic Community mistake on Ethiopia: counter-productive statements and data-poor policy of the EU and the USA on the Tigray conflict

Research paper

open access

Summary: Global media discussion and policy responses to the armed conflict in Tigray Region, Ethiopia, that started op 4 November 2020 by the TPLF (Tigray People’s Liberation Front) party-led... Show moreSummary: Global media discussion and policy responses to the armed conflict in Tigray Region, Ethiopia, that started op 4 November 2020 by the TPLF (Tigray People’s Liberation Front) party-led Tigray Regional government, are marked by bias, incompleteness, lack of context understanding, credulity and an anti-federal goverment attitude. The conflict, provoked by an unannounced and treacherous nightly attack by TPLF forces on federal army troups stationed in Tigray to protect the Region, was the result of misplaced power-mongering by the TPLF, and its building up of tension with the federal Ethiopian goverment. The 4 November attack led to a major federal army response. Five days after the attack by TPLF, on 9 November 2021, over 800 Amharic-speaking civilian inhabitants of the town of Mai Kadra in Western Tigray were killed by TPLF-affiliated forces and militias in a gruesome manner – a classic case of ‘ethnic cleansing’. Perpetrators mostly fled to Sudanese refugee camps. These two events - the 4 November attack and the ‘ethnic cleansing’ - were defining dramatic moments in the war. While the conflict unfolded, leading to defeat of the TPLF forces on 28 November 2020 with the taking over of the regional capital Meqele and the flight of the TPLF leadership, many leading Western media and news websites focused on the aftermath and the effects of the fighting in Tigray Region and its population, easily shifting sympathy twards the perceived ‘underdog’ (TPLF). This was followed by hastily written statements by foreign policy makers in EU, USA and UN circles, leading to an emerging policy narrative whereby essential details of the context, the nature of the adversaries, the reasons of the conflict were sidelined. These Atlantic community spokespersons shifted to ‘blaming’ the federal Ethiopian government and ‘demanding’ all kinds of measures from it. Notable was the international community clamouring for ‘unlimited and full access’ for humanitarian aid to ‘prevent famine’, and demand a halt to all hostilities. But meanwhile it did not deliver much aid itself and did as if making it conditional on the federal government following their orders. Part of the international media, several academic associates and researchers who saw acces to their research sites blocked, and diverse TPLF associates in various international organizations continued to fuel the flames of this approach, next to the ‘digital activism’and the production of fake news reports by pro-TPLF persons in Ethiopa and especially in the Tigrayan ‘diaspora’ in the West.All this led to serious misperceptions and unfair bias on the part of the Atlantic countries and the UN vis-à-vis Ethiopia, which endangered integrity, balance, and a proper perspective on causes and consequences, as well as to policies that seemed akin to ‘development aid blackmail’ and sanctimonious lecturing of a fragile, low-income African developing country. In the exercise, the detailed press statements, reports and explanations by Ethiopian parties, including the government and reformist Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, are routinely neglected or doubted. In contrast, the statements and international messages by TPLF remnants and advocates, marked by a high degree of unreliability, exaggeration and very often lacking truth content, are used uncritically. On the basis of a number of telling examples, this paper describes the above process, analyses the emerging Atlantic discourse and some of its mistakes and wrong assumptions. It thereby pleads for a more balanced, critical approach to the incomplete reporting and wilfull misinformation from questionable sources so as to have the media and Atlantic policy makers develop a more responsible approach.Résumé: parti TPLF (Tigray Peoples Liberation Front), sont marquées par des préjugés, des incomplétudes, un manque de compréhension du contexte, la crédulité et une attitude contre le gouvernement fédéral. Le conflit, provoqué par une attaque nocturne inopinée et perfide par les forces tigréennes contre les troupes de l'armée fédérale stationnées au Tigré pour protéger la région, était le résultat d'une politique de la force mal jugée par le TPLF et sa montée des tensions avec le gouvernement fédéral éthiopien. L'attaque du 4 novembre a évoquée à une réponse directe de l'armée fédérale. Cinq jours après l'attaque du TPLF, plus de 800 habitants civils de langue amharique de la ville de Mai Kadra dans le Tigray occidental ont été tués, le 9 novembre 2021, par des forces et des milices affiliées au TPLF d'une manière horrible - un cas classique de «nettoyage ethnique», et les auteurs ont pour la plupart fui vers les camps de réfugiés soudanais. Ces deux événements - l’attaque du 4 novembre et ce «nettoyage ethnique» - étaient des moments dramatiques cruciales de la guerre. Alors que le conflit se déroulait, conduisant à la défaite des forces du TPLF le 28 novembre 2020 avec la prise de contrôle de la capitale régionale Meqele et la fuite des dirigeants du TPL, de nombreux médias et sites Internet occidentaux de premier plan se sont concentrés sur les conséquences et les effets des combats dans la région du Tigray et sa population, la sympathie se déplaçant facilement vers le «perdant» perçu (TPLF). Cela a été suivi par des déclarations écrites à la hâte par des décideurs politiques étrangers aux cercles de l'UE, des États-Unis et de l'ONU, menant à un récit politique émergent dans lequel les détails essentiels du contexte, de la nature des adversaires et des raisons du conflit ont été mis de côté. Ces portes-parole de la communauté atlantique sont passés à toujours «blâmer» le gouvernement fédéral éthiopien et à «exiger» toutes sortes de mesures de sa part. Il convient de noter que la communauté internationale toujours réclamait un «accès illimité et complet pour l’aide humanitaire» pour «prévenir la famine» et exigeait «‘l’arrêt de toutes les hostilités, mais entre-temps, elle n'a pas fourni beaucoup d'aide et semble la conditionner à ce que le gouvernement fédéral suive ses ordres. Une partie de la presse mondiale, plusieurs universitaires qui ont vu l'accès à leurs sites de recherche bloqué, et divers associés du TPLF dans diverses organisations internationales ont continué à alimenter les flammes de cette approche, à côté de «l'activisme digitale» et de la production de «fake news» et rapports douteux de personnes pro-TPLF en Ethiopie et en particulier dans la «diaspora» tigréenne en Occident. Tout cela a conduit à de graves perceptions erronées et à des préjugés injustes de la part des pays atlantiques et de l'ONU vis-à-vis de l'Éthiopie qui ont mis en danger l'intégrité, l'équilibre et une bonne perspective des causes et des conséquences, ainsi qu’a des politiques qui semblent s'apparenter à une approche sur base de «development aid blackmail» et des discours moralisateurs envers un pays africain pauvre et en développement fragile. Dans l'exercice, les déclarations de presse détaillées et les explications de la part de l’Éthiopie, y compris le gouvernement et le Premier Ministre réformiste Abiy Ahmed, sont régulièrement négligés ou mis en doute. En revanche, les déclarations et les messages internationaux des défenseurs du TPLF, marqués par un degré élevé de manque de fiabilité, d'exagération et souvent dépourvus de contenu véridique, sont utilisés sans critique. Sur la base d'un certain nombre d'exemples révélateurs, cet article décrit le processus ci-dessus et analyse le discours atlantique émergent et certaines de ses erreurs et hypothèses erronées. Il plaide ainsi pour une approche plus équilibrée et critique du reportage incomplet et de la désinformation afin que les médias et la politique atlantique développent une politique plus responsable. Show less

Jong, T. A. de; Benschop, T.; Chen, X.; Krasovskii, E.E.; Dood, M.J.A. de; Tromp, R.M.; ... ; Molen, S.J. van der 2021

Imaging moiré deformation and dynamics in twisted bilayer graphene

Research paper

open access

In twisted bilayer graphene (TBG) a moiré pattern forms that introduces a new length scale to the material. At the 'magic' twist angle of 1.1°, this causes a flat band to form, yielding emergent... Show moreIn twisted bilayer graphene (TBG) a moiré pattern forms that introduces a new length scale to the material. At the 'magic' twist angle of 1.1°, this causes a flat band to form, yielding emergent properties such as correlated insulator behavior and superconductivity [1-4]. In general, the moiré structure in TBG varies spatially, influencing the local electronic properties [5-9] and hence the outcome of macroscopic charge transport experiments. In particular, to understand the wide variety observed in the phase diagrams and critical temperatures, a more detailed understanding of the local moiré variation is needed [10]. Here, we study spatial and temporal variations of the moiré pattern in TBG using aberration-corrected Low Energy Electron Microscopy (AC-LEEM) [11,12]. The spatial variation we find is lower than reported previously. At 500°C, we observe thermal fluctuations of the moiré lattice, corresponding to collective atomic displacements of less than 70pm on a time scale of seconds [13], homogenizing the sample. Despite previous concerns, no untwisting of the layers is found, even at temperatures as high as 600°C [14,15]. From these observations, we conclude that thermal annealing can be used to decrease the local disorder in TBG samples. Finally, we report the existence of individual edge dislocations in the atomic and moiré lattice. These topological defects break translation symmetry and are anticipated to exhibit unique local electronic properties. Show less

Abbink, G.J. 2021

The politics of conflict in Northern Ethiopia, 2020-2021: a study of war-making, media bias and policy struggle

Research paper

open access

This paper offers a political analysis of the development of the TPLF-induced armed conflict in northern Ethiopia and considers the international responses in media and international policy circles... Show moreThis paper offers a political analysis of the development of the TPLF-induced armed conflict in northern Ethiopia and considers the international responses in media and international policy circles. The extension of the conflict by the TPLF after the unilateral ceasefire proclaimed by the federal government on 28 June 2021 (followed by its retreat from Tigray) did not lead to an easing of the fighting. On the contrary, the TPLF used scorched-earth tactics, perpetrated substantial abuse of civilians (mass killings, burning down villages, destroying and looting hospitals, health centres and other economic infrastructure), and created food scarcity, hundreds of thousands of IDPs and hugely aggravated humanitarian problems in the Amhara and Afar regions. In spite of this unilateral TPLF extension of the armed conflict, the responses of international policy circles, notably from the Western ‘donor countries’ and the UN, have been negative towards the federal government and mild on the TPLF.This paper explores aspects of this paradoxical and problematic approach and argues that it will not lead to a political or other solution of the conflict, especially not in view of the undiminished belligerent strategy of the TPLF. The Ethiopian federal government and its leader PM Abiy Ahmed, having been confirmed in power after a relatively successful and credible parliamentary election on 21 June 2021, are pressurized by much of the global media and Western policy makers for the problems in Tigray – including the ‘famine’ declared by TPLF - and urged to negotiate. The TPLF, incorrectly identified with the people of Tigray as a whole, is not held to account. But an overbearing Western approach based on the threat of sanctions (by the US government) and on what often seem ‘neo-imperialist’ demands, as evident from serious interference in the conflict - even by a number of UN individuals (expelled from the country on 30 September 2021) - will not contribute to political negotiations or dialogue, restoration of peace, or rehabilitation of the war-torn regions, neither to stability in Ethiopia. Not only improved media reporting, based on solid local (Ethiopian) information and checking sources, but also a fundamental reset of certain UN and Western donor country policies on Ethiopia, are needed.RésuméCette étude propose une analyse politique du développement du conflit armé induit par les TPLF dans le nord de l'Éthiopie et examine les réponses internationales dans les médias et les cercles politiques internationaux. L'extension du conflit par le TPLF après le cessez-le-feu unilatéral proclamé par le gouvernement fédéral le 28 juin 2021 (suivi de son retrait du Tigré) n'a pas conduit à un apaisement des combats ; au contraire. Les tactiques de la terre brûlée, les abus sérieux contre les civils (meurtres en masse, incendies de villages, pillage et destruction des hôpitaux et autres infrastructures économiques), la pénurie alimentaire, des centaines de milliers de déplacés internes et des problèmes humanitaires extrêmement aggravés dans les régions d'Amhara et d'Afar en ont été le résultat. Malgré cette extension unilatérale du conflit par le TPLF, les réponses des cercles politiques internationaux, notamment des pays « bailleurs-de-fonds » occidentaux et de l'ONU, ont été négatives envers le gouvernement fédéral mais modérées envers le TPLF. Show less

Sijtsma, M.; Rusinovic, K.; Bussemaker, M. 2021

De impact van de coronacrisis op alleenstaande moeders

Research paper

open access

Dietz, A.J.; Ehrhardt, D.W.L.; Veldkamp, F. 2021

Sierra Leone at 60

Research paper

open access

Walraven, K. van 2021

European memoirs and colonialism in Equatorial Africa: reflections on the reminiscences of Alfons Vermeulen (1877-1965)

Research paper

open access

Boccaletti, A.; Chauvin, G.; Mouillet, D.; Absil, O.; Allard, F.; Antoniucci, S.; ... ; Zurlo, A. 2021

SPHERE+: imaging young Jupiters down to the snowline

Research paper

open access

Peijnenburg, W.J.G.M. 2020

The importance of categorization of nanomaterials for environmental risk assessment

Research paper

open access

Pentney, K.; McGonagle, T.E. 2020

The Opportunities and Challenges of Addressing Hate Speech with Artificial Intelligence [Submission to the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media #SAIFE Public Consultation]

Research paper

open access

This paper is a submission to the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media’s #SAIFE Public Consultation (2020). It examines the complex relationship between Artificial Intelligence (AI) and hate speech: how AI can be used to create and disseminate – but also to detect and curb – hate speech. This complex relationship is one of the main areas of concern in the #SAIFE project. This submission explores a range of opportunities and challenges concerning the interplay between free speech, hate speech and AI. In particular, it explores three challenges and opportunities which require further study and reflection:

the differentiated roles and responsibilities of State and private actors in a broader, human rights-driven and multi-stakeholder approach;
the need for non-discriminatory policies and practices in the design and implementation of measures to block/remove hate speech; and
the broader effects on public debate where AI is used to moderate and censor expression.

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Groff, M.; Larik, J. 2020

Strengthening the Rules-Based Global Order: The Case for an International Rule of Law Package

Research paper

open access

A key strategic measure of the international community needed over the next decade is the enhancement of the international rule of law in order to reinforce multilateralism and enhance global... Show moreA key strategic measure of the international community needed over the next decade is the enhancement of the international rule of law in order to reinforce multilateralism and enhance global governance capabilities. A project to significantly upgrade the existing international legal architecture should be launched upon the occasion of the UN’s 75th anniversary, making good on core UN Charter and related international commitments. In this paper, we propose an ambitious, yet realizable “International Rule of Law Package” of reforms meant to substantially enhance the integrity of the international governance system. Key international justice institutions the International Court of Justice, the International Criminal Court, and the UN’s Human Rights architecture should be strengthened in terms of both their jurisdiction and effectiveness. In addition, the UN75 anniversary represents an opportunity to pave the way for new bodies to fill existing institutional gaps. Hence, we support the creation of an international anti-corruption court as well as an international judicial training institute to ensure the requisite capacity, skills, and knowledge across international courts. The international community, on this historic occasion, should begin focused discussion on such an international rule of law reform package with the goal of modernizing and making more robust and legitimate the core international governance architecture, fit for the range of global challenges it now confronts. Show less

Canfield, M.C. 2020

From Colonialism to Collaboration: Disputing Biofuels in the Age of the Anthropocene.

Research paper

open access

Haas, H. de; Fransen, S.; Natter, K.; Schewel, K.; Vezzoli, S. 2020

Social transformation

Research paper

open access

Over centuries past, human societies have been through fundamental changes often defined as ‘modernisation’. Despite huge advances in knowledge, social science has struggled to conceptualise the... Show moreOver centuries past, human societies have been through fundamental changes often defined as ‘modernisation’. Despite huge advances in knowledge, social science has struggled to conceptualise the nature of these changes and to integrate insights from across different disciplines into a single framework. Disciplinary fragmentation and methodological parochialism as well as a postmodern aversion to ‘grand theory’ have impeded theoretical synthesis. To overcome this impasse, we introduce social transformation as a meta-theoretical conceptual framework for studying ‘big change’. Defining social transformation as a fundamental change in the way that societies are organised and resources are distributed, we distinguish five interconnected dimensions – the political, the economic, the technological, the demographic and the cultural – which together constitute the ‘social realm’. Studied simultaneously, these dimensions are able to capture ‘big change’ in its universal aspects while keeping sight of the diversity of its concrete manifestations. We apply this framework to explore how the ‘modern transformation’ has reshaped societies and to show how the interplay of the various political, economic, technological, demographic and cultural transitions have transformed social life around the globe in strikingly similar ways – notwithstanding the varied, unique ways in which this ‘modern transformation’ has concretely manifested itself across societies and over different periods. Show less

Kusumawardhani, H.; Hosseini, R.; Winde, J.H. de 2020

Comparative analysis reveals the modular functional build-up of megaplasmid pTTS12 of Pseudomonas putida S12: a paradigm for transferable traits, plasmid stability and inheritance?

Research paper

open access

Westeneng, J.; Reis, R.; Berkmoes, L.H. 2020

The effectiveness of sexual and reproductive health education in Burundi: policy brief

Research paper

open access

Broeders D.W.J., Busser E. de, Pawlak P. 2020

Three tales of attribution in cyberspace: criminal law, international law and policy debates

Research paper

open access

Kononova, A.V.; Caraffini, F.; Wang, H.; Bäck, T.H.W. 2020

Can Single Solution Optimisation Methods Be Structurally Biased?

Research paper

open access

This paper investigates whether optimisation methods with the population made up of one solution can suffer from structural bias just like their multisolution variants. Following recent results... Show moreThis paper investigates whether optimisation methods with the population made up of one solution can suffer from structural bias just like their multisolution variants. Following recent results highlighting the importance of choice of strategy for handling solutions generated outside the domain, a selection of single solution methods are considered in conjunction with several such strategies. Obtained results are tested for the presence of structural bias by means of a traditional approach from literature and a newly proposed here statistical approach. These two tests are demonstrated to be not fully consistent. All tested methods are found to be structurally biased with at least one of the tested strategies. Confirming results for multisolution methods, it is such strategy that is shown to control the emergence of structural bias in single solution methods. Some of the tested methods exhibit a kind of structural bias that has not been observed before. Show less

Natter, K. 2020

Maghreb – Migration Patterns and Policies between the Sahara and the Mediterranean

Research paper

open access

Larik, J.E. 2020

Boosting the Reach and Resilience of International Justice Institutions

Research paper

open access

RECOMMENDATION: Increase the universal acceptance of international justice institutions, in particular the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC). Moreover,... Show moreRECOMMENDATION: Increase the universal acceptance of international justice institutions, in particular the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC). Moreover, increase their enforcement powers, preserve their independence, and enhance their resilience against political pressures. Show less

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