Ensuring good global governance through trade is not just a powerful idea, or a ‘global strategy’; it is also firmly anchored in the highest laws of the European Union. Promoting good global... Show moreEnsuring good global governance through trade is not just a powerful idea, or a ‘global strategy’; it is also firmly anchored in the highest laws of the European Union. Promoting good global governance through trade policy brings together two of the hallmarks of the EU as an international actor. On the one hand, it concerns the area of the EU’s most obvious asset, its economic clout. On the other hand, this relates to the idea of the EU not only as a ‘civilian power’, but as a ‘normative power’ which shapes the world around it by harnessing its economic strength according to a larger vision and based on values which go beyond the strictly economic realm. In order to capture the constitutional moorings of the mandate to pursue ‘good global governance’ through trade and to elucidate its implications, the present chapter shines the spotlights on this issue through three different lenses: historical, comparative and legal-institutional. First, it retraces the evolution of this idea and its progressive codification in the course of time. Second, it puts the EU’s constitutional ‘conscience’ as a trade power into a comparative context. Against this double backdrop, the chapter then turns to the legal significance of such norms, addressing what they can – and cannot – achieve as norms of EU constitutional law. Show less
This chapter revisits the issue of elections and democracy in Africa, a theme that emerged as dominant in scholarly discussions in African Studies in the 1990s. The trigger for featuring Ethiopia... Show moreThis chapter revisits the issue of elections and democracy in Africa, a theme that emerged as dominant in scholarly discussions in African Studies in the 1990s. The trigger for featuring Ethiopia as a case study was the May 2010 parliamentary elections when the incumbent party, which had been in power since 1991, took 99.6% of all the seats. While the various Ethiopian elections will not be discussed in detail, the political culture or wider context in which they occur - and always produce the same overall result - will be highlighted to demonstrate the enduring mechanisms and problems of hegemonic rule and how difficult it is to create a democratic system that allows for changes in power (i.e. alternation). The relationship between one-party rule and economic development will also be discussed - the latter being a donor obsession that clouds the political agenda. The chapter closes with some reflections on the recurring donor-country dilemmas when it comes to dealing with electoral autocracies, such as Ethiopia. Show less
This chapter presents an overview of the media in Kenya as it stands today, focussing on the role of the media in the process of democratization. It first sketches the Kenyan media landscape as it... Show moreThis chapter presents an overview of the media in Kenya as it stands today, focussing on the role of the media in the process of democratization. It first sketches the Kenyan media landscape as it developed since 1902, when the first newspaper was established in the then British headquarters for East Africa, the town of Mombasa. It discusses the impact of the 1992 'liberalization' of the Kenyan media, demonstrating that in addition to growth in the number of publications and broadcast stations, a qualitative change in content is evident, particularly in the print media. However, although press freedom has improved, regulatory and policy measures affecting the media should still be characterized as restrictive. The chapter then focuses on media coverage of the 1997 elections, distinguishing between two aspects: the game of strategy, and the substance of the elections. It also pays attention to the role of journalists in the debate about the need for constitutional change and the Media Watch project, whose main objective was to monitor the State-owned Kenya Broadcasting Corporation radio and television during the pre-election period. Show less
This chapter explores the relationship between the father-metaphor, gerontocratic power, democratization and religion in the context of changing political culture in Malawi. It argues that... Show moreThis chapter explores the relationship between the father-metaphor, gerontocratic power, democratization and religion in the context of changing political culture in Malawi. It argues that democratization in Malawi signalled a change in the nature of the dominant gerontocratic power relations associated with Chewa political traditions, and gave the young an opportunity to escape from their tightly circumscribed sociopolitical space in what for thirty years had been a highly supervised society. It further argues that religion, in particular 'born-again' (often Pentecostal) Christianity, played a significant role in changing the meaning of the crucial root paradigm of gerontocracy in Malawian political culture. The chapter shows that the position adopted by religious youth groups in the 1990s was the outcome of a 'struggle for youth' that Malawian society had faced since colonial times and in which religion played a significant role. In so doing, it deconstructs the so-called 'conservative nature' of Christian fundamentalism-cum- Pentecostalism. Show less
