Ensuring good global governance through trade is not just a powerful idea, or a ‘global strategy’; it is also firmly anchored in the highest laws of the European Union. Promoting good global... Show moreEnsuring good global governance through trade is not just a powerful idea, or a ‘global strategy’; it is also firmly anchored in the highest laws of the European Union. Promoting good global governance through trade policy brings together two of the hallmarks of the EU as an international actor. On the one hand, it concerns the area of the EU’s most obvious asset, its economic clout. On the other hand, this relates to the idea of the EU not only as a ‘civilian power’, but as a ‘normative power’ which shapes the world around it by harnessing its economic strength according to a larger vision and based on values which go beyond the strictly economic realm. In order to capture the constitutional moorings of the mandate to pursue ‘good global governance’ through trade and to elucidate its implications, the present chapter shines the spotlights on this issue through three different lenses: historical, comparative and legal-institutional. First, it retraces the evolution of this idea and its progressive codification in the course of time. Second, it puts the EU’s constitutional ‘conscience’ as a trade power into a comparative context. Against this double backdrop, the chapter then turns to the legal significance of such norms, addressing what they can – and cannot – achieve as norms of EU constitutional law. Show less
This chapter revisits the issue of elections and democracy in Africa, a theme that emerged as dominant in scholarly discussions in African Studies in the 1990s. The trigger for featuring Ethiopia... Show moreThis chapter revisits the issue of elections and democracy in Africa, a theme that emerged as dominant in scholarly discussions in African Studies in the 1990s. The trigger for featuring Ethiopia as a case study was the May 2010 parliamentary elections when the incumbent party, which had been in power since 1991, took 99.6% of all the seats. While the various Ethiopian elections will not be discussed in detail, the political culture or wider context in which they occur - and always produce the same overall result - will be highlighted to demonstrate the enduring mechanisms and problems of hegemonic rule and how difficult it is to create a democratic system that allows for changes in power (i.e. alternation). The relationship between one-party rule and economic development will also be discussed - the latter being a donor obsession that clouds the political agenda. The chapter closes with some reflections on the recurring donor-country dilemmas when it comes to dealing with electoral autocracies, such as Ethiopia. Show less
This chapter examines what democratic transition in the 1990s has meant for women in southern Africa. It focuses in particular on the impact of democratization processes on political participation... Show moreThis chapter examines what democratic transition in the 1990s has meant for women in southern Africa. It focuses in particular on the impact of democratization processes on political participation by women, notably women's representation in parliament in Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. This is compared with developments in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, where the introduction of multiparty elections has generally resulted in women's marginalization in parliament. Comparison of the representation of women in parliament in the SADC region under the one-party State and after the democratic transition reveals that the tendency is towards better representation of women. Factors impacting on the representation of women in politics include a country's state of development, the quota system, women's pressure groups, and electoral systems. Linking the UNDP's gender-related development index (1998) to the representation in parliament-index, the author concludes that there is no visible relationship between women's representation in parliament and the quality of life for women in southern Africa. Notes, ref Show less
This chapter presents an overview of the media in Kenya as it stands today, focussing on the role of the media in the process of democratization. It first sketches the Kenyan media landscape as it... Show moreThis chapter presents an overview of the media in Kenya as it stands today, focussing on the role of the media in the process of democratization. It first sketches the Kenyan media landscape as it developed since 1902, when the first newspaper was established in the then British headquarters for East Africa, the town of Mombasa. It discusses the impact of the 1992 'liberalization' of the Kenyan media, demonstrating that in addition to growth in the number of publications and broadcast stations, a qualitative change in content is evident, particularly in the print media. However, although press freedom has improved, regulatory and policy measures affecting the media should still be characterized as restrictive. The chapter then focuses on media coverage of the 1997 elections, distinguishing between two aspects: the game of strategy, and the substance of the elections. It also pays attention to the role of journalists in the debate about the need for constitutional change and the Media Watch project, whose main objective was to monitor the State-owned Kenya Broadcasting Corporation radio and television during the pre-election period. Show less
Cet ouvrage présente onze contributions rédigées par des africanistes qui ont collaboré étroitement avec l'anthropologue politique néerlandais Robert Buijtenhuijs et ont été influencés par ses... Show moreCet ouvrage présente onze contributions rédigées par des africanistes qui ont collaboré étroitement avec l'anthropologue politique néerlandais Robert Buijtenhuijs et ont été influencés par ses travaux et sa personnalité. Le livre est un hommage à un auteur qui a été productif dans beaucoup de domaines, dont les travaux pendant plus de trente années se sont caractérisés par un dévouement sans faille aux causes de la liberté et de la démocratie sur le continent africain. Par ses travaux, Robert Buijtenhuijs a participé aux processus parmi les plus significatifs de la mutation politique qu'a connue le continent africain pendant la seconde moitié du XXe siècle et à certains des débats les plus cruciaux qui ont animé le monde des études africaines: description et interprétation des révolutions et guerres paysannes en Afrique; transitions démocratiques; phénomènes sociaux et religieux accompagnant les développements politiques; statut épistémologique des études africaines. Contributions: Introduction : L'étendue des travaux de Robert Buijtenhuijs (Wim van Binsbergen, Piet Konings et Gerti Hesseling); Histoire politique du Tchad (1900-1975) (Bernard Lanne); The reception of the Mau Mau in Southern Rhodesia, 1952-1961 (Terence Ranger); Africa's wars of liberation: some historiographical reflections (Stephen Ellis); Le politique "par le bas": les vicissitudes d'une approche (Peter Geschiere); Le faux naïf sur les sentiers des guerres (de libération nationale?) : l'anthropologie est-elle naturellement anti-impérialiste? (Jean Copans); When is a State a State? Exploring Puntland (Martin Doornbos); La démocratie dans un monde multi-cosmologique: une expédition d'exploration menée depuis l'Afrique (Elly Reinierse); Trade unions and democratisation in Africa (Piet Konings); La démocratisation en Afrique noire dans les années 1990: l'hypothèque militaire (Céline Thiriot); Sacrifices humains et politique: quelques exemples contemporains en Afrique (Comi Toulabor); Creating "a place to feel at home": Christian church life and social control in Lusaka, Zambia (1970s) (Wim van Binsbergen) Show less
This book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes... Show moreThis book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes chapters on both electoral processes, especially the role of foreign observers therein, and the historical and sociocultural backgrounds or contexts of democratization, elections and political legitimacy. Part 1 deals with elections and election observation in Africa in general (contributions by O. van Cranenburgh, S. Ellis, I. van Kessel, B. de Gaay Fortman). Part 2 consists of country studies (M. Doornbos on Uganda, D. Foeken en T. Dietz on Kenya, J. Abbink on Ethiopia, R. van Dijk on Malawi, R. Buijtenhuijs on Chad, and M.-F. Lange on Mali). Part 3 includes a chapter that reflects the discussions held at the seminar between observers, academics and policymakers in the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs (W. van Binsbergen en J. Abbink); a review of Dutch policies on election observation in Africa during the period 1992-1997 (O. van Cranenburgh); and a discussion of the 1997 general elections in Kenya, where a new approach of election observation was introduced (M. Rutten). Show less
This book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes... Show moreThis book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes chapters on both electoral processes, especially the role of foreign observers therein, and the historical and sociocultural backgrounds or contexts of democratization, elections and political legitimacy. Part 1 deals with elections and election observation in Africa in general (contributions by O. van Cranenburgh, S. Ellis, I. van Kessel, B. de Gaay Fortman). Part 2 consists of country studies (M. Doornbos on Uganda, D. Foeken en T. Dietz on Kenya, J. Abbink on Ethiopia, R. van Dijk on Malawi, R. Buijtenhuijs on Chad, and M.-F. Lange on Mali). Part 3 includes a chapter that reflects the discussions held at the seminar between observers, academics and policymakers in the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs (W. van Binsbergen en J. Abbink); a review of Dutch policies on election observation in Africa during the period 1992-1997 (O. van Cranenburgh); and a discussion of the 1997 general elections in Kenya, where a new approach of election observation was introduced (M. Rutten). Show less
Cet ouvrage présente onze contributions rédigées par des africanistesqui ont collaboré étroitement avec l'anthropologue politique néerlandais RobertBuijtenhuijs et ont été influencés par ses... Show moreCet ouvrage présente onze contributions rédigées par des africanistesqui ont collaboré étroitement avec l'anthropologue politique néerlandais RobertBuijtenhuijs et ont été influencés par ses travaux et sa personnalité. Le livreest un hommage à un auteur qui a été productif dans beaucoup de domaines, dontles travaux pendant plus de trente années se sont caractérisés par undévouement sans faille aux causes de la liberté et de la démocratie sur lecontinent africain. Par ses travaux, Robert Buijtenhuijs a participé auxprocessus parmi les plus significatifs de la mutation politique qu'a connue lecontinent africain pendant la seconde moitié du XXe siècle et à certains desdébats les plus cruciaux qui ont animé le monde des études africaines:description et interprétation des révolutions et guerres paysannes en Afrique;transitions démocratiques; phénomènes sociaux et religieux accompagnant lesdéveloppements politiques; statut épistémologique des études africaines.Contributions: Introduction : L'étendue des travaux de Robert Buijtenhuijs (Wimvan Binsbergen, Piet Konings et Gerti Hesseling); Histoire politique du Tchad(1900-1975) (Bernard Lanne); The reception of the Mau Mau in Southern Rhodesia,1952-1961 (Terence Ranger); Africa's wars of liberation: some historiographicalreflections (Stephen Ellis); Le politique "par le bas": lesvicissitudes d'une approche (Peter Geschiere); Le faux naïf sur les sentiersdes guerres (de libération nationale?) : l'anthropologie est-elle naturellementanti-impérialiste? (Jean Copans); When is a State a State? Exploring Puntland(Martin Doornbos); La démocratie dans un monde multi-cosmologique: uneexpédition d'exploration menée depuis l'Afrique (Elly Reinierse); Trade unionsand democratisation in Africa (Piet Konings); La démocratisation en Afriquenoire dans les années 1990: l'hypothèque militaire (Céline Thiriot); Sacrificeshumains et politique: quelques exemples contemporains en Afrique (ComiToulabor); Creating "a place to feel at home": Christian church lifeand social control in Lusaka, Zambia (1970s) (Wim van Binsbergen) Show less
This book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes... Show moreThis book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes chapters on both electoral processes, especially the role of foreign observers therein, and the historical and sociocultural backgrounds or contexts of democratization, elections and political legitimacy. Part 1 deals with elections and election observation in Africa in general (contributions by O. van Cranenburgh, S. Ellis, I. van Kessel, B. de Gaay Fortman). Part 2 consists of country studies (M. Doornbos on Uganda, D. Foeken en T. Dietz on Kenya, J. Abbink on Ethiopia, R. van Dijk on Malawi, R. Buijtenhuijs on Chad, and M.-F. Lange on Mali). Part 3 includes a chapter that reflects the discussions held at the seminar between observers, academics and policymakers in the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs (W. van Binsbergen en J. Abbink); a review of Dutch policies on election observation in Africa during the period 1992-1997 (O. van Cranenburgh); and a discussion of the 1997 general elections in Kenya, where a new approach of election observation was introduced (M. Rutten) Show less
In writings about the role of trade unions in the democratization process in Africa one can distinguish a pessimistic and an optimistic school. However, recent research presents a more complex... Show moreIn writings about the role of trade unions in the democratization process in Africa one can distinguish a pessimistic and an optimistic school. However, recent research presents a more complex picture. In this chapter the author has selected three case studies for an in-depth comparative analysis: Zambia, Ghana and Cameroon. They reflect variations in the degree of intensity of the unions' role in the democratic process, varying from high in Zambia, medium in Ghana, and low in Cameroon. The author demonstrates that these variations depend not only on differences in the unions' organizational strength and previous State-union relations, but also on the unions' willingness to involve themselves directly in the creation of formal democracy, in particular in the form of a multiparty system. The case studies suggest that unions in Africa, particularly in English-speaking countries, are more likely to fight for autonomy versus the State and for a larger degree of participation in the national decisionmaking process than to support or join opposition forces in their struggle for the establishment of a multiparty system. On the basis of their experience with both the colonial and postcolonial trade union models, African unions have often been inclined to stay aloof from struggles to introduce formal democracy, out of fear that any alliance with opposition movements or parties would eventually turn out to be harmful to their representation of workers' interests. To consolidate their achievements, the unions should strengthen their organization; improve upon their negotiating and bargaining position in national decisionmaking fora; and democratize their internal organization and administration. Show less
This chapter explores the relationship between the father-metaphor, gerontocratic power, democratization and religion in the context of changing political culture in Malawi. It argues that... Show moreThis chapter explores the relationship between the father-metaphor, gerontocratic power, democratization and religion in the context of changing political culture in Malawi. It argues that democratization in Malawi signalled a change in the nature of the dominant gerontocratic power relations associated with Chewa political traditions, and gave the young an opportunity to escape from their tightly circumscribed sociopolitical space in what for thirty years had been a highly supervised society. It further argues that religion, in particular 'born-again' (often Pentecostal) Christianity, played a significant role in changing the meaning of the crucial root paradigm of gerontocracy in Malawian political culture. The chapter shows that the position adopted by religious youth groups in the 1990s was the outcome of a 'struggle for youth' that Malawian society had faced since colonial times and in which religion played a significant role. In so doing, it deconstructs the so-called 'conservative nature' of Christian fundamentalism-cum- Pentecostalism. Show less
External factors - the change in the international climate following the fall of the Berlin Wall in late 1989, the publication at almost the same time of the World Bank's report 'From crisis to... Show moreExternal factors - the change in the international climate following the fall of the Berlin Wall in late 1989, the publication at almost the same time of the World Bank's report 'From crisis to sustainable growth', in which the Bank for the first time linked aid to the question of "governance" - undoubtedly played a role in the decline of the one-party State in Africa. But the deeper causes of the current wave of democratization lie in the buildup of pressure over the past few decades for a new form of political accountability, to replace that of patronage politics. Most African governments have responded to the forces of change by conceding to demands for multiparty rule, simultaneously attempting to control the process. President Moi of Kenya, re-elected president in a multiparty election, is a case in point. In a few cases, heads of State have refused to make any compromises at all, with appalling results (Liberia, Somalia). In those countries where some degree of democratization has taken place, it is hard as yet to discern any improvement in regard to governance. Political parties continue to be formed in terms of clientelism and there is little to choose between rival parties, as a comparison of the contrasting cases of Kenya and Zambia illustrates. Democratization has not recast political constituencies in a new mode (though religion may form the base for new forms of political recruitment in the years to come). Notes, ref Show less
