El trabajo de Cecilia Noriega-Bozovich está vinculado de manera muy directa con la sociedad peruana, a la cual convierte al mismo tiempo en su tema principal. Esta mirada encaja en lo que pudiera... Show moreEl trabajo de Cecilia Noriega-Bozovich está vinculado de manera muy directa con la sociedad peruana, a la cual convierte al mismo tiempo en su tema principal. Esta mirada encaja en lo que pudiera ser una ‘escuela latinoamericana’, donde la producción artística va acompañada de un registro o comentario social o político a lo largo del siglo XX. De tal forma, en esta obra los fetiches del poder, en particular vistos desde una óptica mexicana, forman parte de una dinámica regional que adquiere expresiones similares. Existe una intimidad cultural compartida, una identidad que se nutre de la experiencia común del colonialismo español, la formación de nuevos estados nacionales inspirados por el imperialismo del siglo XIX, las revoluciones sociales, y hoy en día la transición a la “democracia” y la “modernidad” neoliberal. En esa línea, el análisis que aquí se presenta ensaya relaciones y paralelos entre ciertas creaciones de Noriega-Bozovich y referentes culturales de México, para de esa manera sugerir la productividad de miradas en paralelo sobre el arte surgido de un contexto latinoamericano compartido. Show less
The pacification of a primordial, violent natural state of humankind by a social contract based on reciprocal exchange is a widespread preconception, from Thomas Hobbes and Enlightenment social... Show moreThe pacification of a primordial, violent natural state of humankind by a social contract based on reciprocal exchange is a widespread preconception, from Thomas Hobbes and Enlightenment social thought to Marcel Mauss and Claude Lévi-Strauss. In this contribution, the structure, historical backgrounds, and current roles of this assumption in several lines of research are analysed. Subsequently, it is argued that socioecological theories of conflict and cooperation can elegantly supplement Durkheimian approaches, and help to avoid a too dualistic, homo duplex view of culture. Show less
There has been a state of near-permanent revolt in Somali society since 1991. This chapter offers a cultural analysis of patterns of political and military activity from the precolonial era... Show moreThere has been a state of near-permanent revolt in Somali society since 1991. This chapter offers a cultural analysis of patterns of political and military activity from the precolonial era through the Italian and British colonial period, and State independence (1960-1991), to the present period of Statelessness. The focus is on a comparison of elements in the campaigns of revolt against the colonial States between 1900 and 1920 with those in the late Siyad Barre period (1988-1991) and the era of Statelessness (1991 onwards). A transformation of ideas of revolt and violent action has occurred in which Somali notions of egalitarian social order, kinship and local leadership have taken on a different shape. This prevented the institutionalization of crosscutting alliances and the emergence of a wider political arena - except in certain regions such as Somaliland and Puntland. The cultural and social unity of Somali society has always been overestimated. Somali political culture is by nature centrifugal, preventing the institutionalization of a legitimate leadership at State level but not at a regional clan level. Notes, ref., sum. [Book abstract] Show less
Between 1831 and 1872, the Dutch government recruited 3,000 Africans from the Gold Coast and Ashanti (Ghana) for service in the colonial army in the Netherlands East Indies. The majority of them... Show moreBetween 1831 and 1872, the Dutch government recruited 3,000 Africans from the Gold Coast and Ashanti (Ghana) for service in the colonial army in the Netherlands East Indies. The majority of them were ex-slaves but were promised that their conditions of service would be the same as those of Europeans. With the 'equal treatment' clause, the Dutch government defended itself against British accusations that the recruitment operation amounted to a covert form of slave trading. While this policy made sense in the context of the precolonial relations prevailing in the Gold Coast, its merits were less obvious in the East Indies. The colonial army here was the instrument of empire building but mutinies among African troops stationed on Java and Sumatra caused it to rethink its policy concerning African soldiers. This chapter explores the background to these rebellions. Ref., sum. [Book abstract] Show less
This article examines how violent interaction between ethnic and social groups in Ethiopia has shaped the contours of contemporary society. It focuses on the so-called Red Terror period of the... Show moreThis article examines how violent interaction between ethnic and social groups in Ethiopia has shaped the contours of contemporary society. It focuses on the so-called Red Terror period of the late 1970s, which marks a decisive stage in the transformation of violence and politics in Ethiopia. The intense physical and psychological violence of the Red Terror period had a lasting effect on the collective mind and on social relations among Ethiopians. Because of its violation of central sociocultural ideals and codes in Ethiopian society, it decisively undermined any idea of 'social contract' or 'trust' between the State and the population. This breakdown of trust led to a dissociation of civilians from national policy and power structures, and to a serious weakening of overall social cohesion. Show less
