The importance of student politics in Africa during economic and political liberalization cannot be underestimated. However, this study of anglophone students in Cameroon cautions against treating... Show moreThe importance of student politics in Africa during economic and political liberalization cannot be underestimated. However, this study of anglophone students in Cameroon cautions against treating students as a homogeneous group. It shows that although anglophone students today feel even more marginalized than their francophone counterparts, they have actually displayed a rather ambivalent attitude towards the francophone-dominated State. The author first describes the development of anglophone nationalism and discusses the role of anglophone students in their struggle against francophone dominance. He argues that anglophone students have played a vanguard role in anglophone protest actions in the wake of Paul Biya's accession to power in 1982. He then describes two new anglophone youth organizations which emerged during political liberalization and which differ in their attitude towards the francophone-dominated State: the Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL), which supports the main aim of the anglophone struggle - the creation of an independent anglophone State, and President Biya's Youths (PRESBY), which is opposed to the anglophone struggle and has expressed its loyalty to President Biya in exchange for a share in the diminishing pool of State resources. Bibliogr., notes, ref., sum. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
This chapter examines the opposition of Bakweri chiefs in Anglophone Cameroon to the government announcement, on 15 July 1994, of the privatization of the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC),... Show moreThis chapter examines the opposition of Bakweri chiefs in Anglophone Cameroon to the government announcement, on 15 July 1994, of the privatization of the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC), one of the oldest and largest agroindustrial parastatals of the country. The chiefs claimed Bakweri ownership of CDC lands and felt betrayed at not having been consulted about the privatization of CDC. The chapter demonstrates that the current resistance to CDC privatization is part of the chiefs' long-standing struggle for the return of the vast Bakweri lands that were expropriated during German colonial rule and, later, leased by the British Trust Authority to the newly created CDC. In this endeavour, the chiefs have always been supported by the Bakweri 'modern' elite. This alliance of 'modern' and 'traditional' elites has forced the government to postpone the privatization of CDC and to enter into negotiations with the original landowners. Notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
This chapter examines the deteriorating relations between autochthons and allochthons in the coastal forest area of anglophone Cameroon, present-day South West Province. This province is one of the... Show moreThis chapter examines the deteriorating relations between autochthons and allochthons in the coastal forest area of anglophone Cameroon, present-day South West Province. This province is one of the few regions along the West African coast where a plantation economy was established during the German colonial period (1884-1916). The plantation economy stimulated large-scale labour migration to the coastal estates, particularly from the other anglophone province, North West Province. Following large-scale settlement of northwestern migrants in the South West, the 'autochthonous' population began to resent their increasing domination in demographic, economic and political terms. The present chapter examines why the current obsession with the autochthony-allochthony issue in South West Province relates foremost to relations between inhabitants of the two anglophone provinces. The South-West elite's fear of renewed North-West domination during the political liberalization of the 1990s was one of the main reasons for their incitement of the autochthonous minority against the dominant and exploitative northwestern settlers. Includes bibliographical references, notes, and summary. Show less
Cet ouvrage présente onze contributions rédigées par des africanistes qui ont collaboré étroitement avec l'anthropologue politique néerlandais Robert Buijtenhuijs et ont été influencés par ses... Show moreCet ouvrage présente onze contributions rédigées par des africanistes qui ont collaboré étroitement avec l'anthropologue politique néerlandais Robert Buijtenhuijs et ont été influencés par ses travaux et sa personnalité. Le livre est un hommage à un auteur qui a été productif dans beaucoup de domaines, dont les travaux pendant plus de trente années se sont caractérisés par un dévouement sans faille aux causes de la liberté et de la démocratie sur le continent africain. Par ses travaux, Robert Buijtenhuijs a participé aux processus parmi les plus significatifs de la mutation politique qu'a connue le continent africain pendant la seconde moitié du XXe siècle et à certains des débats les plus cruciaux qui ont animé le monde des études africaines: description et interprétation des révolutions et guerres paysannes en Afrique; transitions démocratiques; phénomènes sociaux et religieux accompagnant les développements politiques; statut épistémologique des études africaines. Contributions: Introduction : L'étendue des travaux de Robert Buijtenhuijs (Wim van Binsbergen, Piet Konings et Gerti Hesseling); Histoire politique du Tchad (1900-1975) (Bernard Lanne); The reception of the Mau Mau in Southern Rhodesia, 1952-1961 (Terence Ranger); Africa's wars of liberation: some historiographical reflections (Stephen Ellis); Le politique "par le bas": les vicissitudes d'une approche (Peter Geschiere); Le faux naïf sur les sentiers des guerres (de libération nationale?) : l'anthropologie est-elle naturellement anti-impérialiste? (Jean Copans); When is a State a State? Exploring Puntland (Martin Doornbos); La démocratie dans un monde multi-cosmologique: une expédition d'exploration menée depuis l'Afrique (Elly Reinierse); Trade unions and democratisation in Africa (Piet Konings); La démocratisation en Afrique noire dans les années 1990: l'hypothèque militaire (Céline Thiriot); Sacrifices humains et politique: quelques exemples contemporains en Afrique (Comi Toulabor); Creating "a place to feel at home": Christian church life and social control in Lusaka, Zambia (1970s) (Wim van Binsbergen) Show less
Cet ouvrage présente onze contributions rédigées par des africanistesqui ont collaboré étroitement avec l'anthropologue politique néerlandais RobertBuijtenhuijs et ont été influencés par ses... Show moreCet ouvrage présente onze contributions rédigées par des africanistesqui ont collaboré étroitement avec l'anthropologue politique néerlandais RobertBuijtenhuijs et ont été influencés par ses travaux et sa personnalité. Le livreest un hommage à un auteur qui a été productif dans beaucoup de domaines, dontles travaux pendant plus de trente années se sont caractérisés par undévouement sans faille aux causes de la liberté et de la démocratie sur lecontinent africain. Par ses travaux, Robert Buijtenhuijs a participé auxprocessus parmi les plus significatifs de la mutation politique qu'a connue lecontinent africain pendant la seconde moitié du XXe siècle et à certains desdébats les plus cruciaux qui ont animé le monde des études africaines:description et interprétation des révolutions et guerres paysannes en Afrique;transitions démocratiques; phénomènes sociaux et religieux accompagnant lesdéveloppements politiques; statut épistémologique des études africaines.Contributions: Introduction : L'étendue des travaux de Robert Buijtenhuijs (Wimvan Binsbergen, Piet Konings et Gerti Hesseling); Histoire politique du Tchad(1900-1975) (Bernard Lanne); The reception of the Mau Mau in Southern Rhodesia,1952-1961 (Terence Ranger); Africa's wars of liberation: some historiographicalreflections (Stephen Ellis); Le politique "par le bas": lesvicissitudes d'une approche (Peter Geschiere); Le faux naïf sur les sentiersdes guerres (de libération nationale?) : l'anthropologie est-elle naturellementanti-impérialiste? (Jean Copans); When is a State a State? Exploring Puntland(Martin Doornbos); La démocratie dans un monde multi-cosmologique: uneexpédition d'exploration menée depuis l'Afrique (Elly Reinierse); Trade unionsand democratisation in Africa (Piet Konings); La démocratisation en Afriquenoire dans les années 1990: l'hypothèque militaire (Céline Thiriot); Sacrificeshumains et politique: quelques exemples contemporains en Afrique (ComiToulabor); Creating "a place to feel at home": Christian church lifeand social control in Lusaka, Zambia (1970s) (Wim van Binsbergen) Show less
In writings about the role of trade unions in the democratization process in Africa one can distinguish a pessimistic and an optimistic school. However, recent research presents a more complex... Show moreIn writings about the role of trade unions in the democratization process in Africa one can distinguish a pessimistic and an optimistic school. However, recent research presents a more complex picture. In this chapter the author has selected three case studies for an in-depth comparative analysis: Zambia, Ghana and Cameroon. They reflect variations in the degree of intensity of the unions' role in the democratic process, varying from high in Zambia, medium in Ghana, and low in Cameroon. The author demonstrates that these variations depend not only on differences in the unions' organizational strength and previous State-union relations, but also on the unions' willingness to involve themselves directly in the creation of formal democracy, in particular in the form of a multiparty system. The case studies suggest that unions in Africa, particularly in English-speaking countries, are more likely to fight for autonomy versus the State and for a larger degree of participation in the national decisionmaking process than to support or join opposition forces in their struggle for the establishment of a multiparty system. On the basis of their experience with both the colonial and postcolonial trade union models, African unions have often been inclined to stay aloof from struggles to introduce formal democracy, out of fear that any alliance with opposition movements or parties would eventually turn out to be harmful to their representation of workers' interests. To consolidate their achievements, the unions should strengthen their organization; improve upon their negotiating and bargaining position in national decisionmaking fora; and democratize their internal organization and administration. Show less
Managements of tea estates have often given preference to female labour over male labour, on the assumption that women were 'naturally' more suited to plucking tea. They also were thought to be... Show moreManagements of tea estates have often given preference to female labour over male labour, on the assumption that women were 'naturally' more suited to plucking tea. They also were thought to be cheaper and more docile than men. In this chapter the author focuses on women pluckers at the Tole Tea Estate, one of the estates in Cameroon owned by the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC). The estate was constructed in 1954 and marked a turning point in the history of the CDC. It was the first estate in Cameroon to produce tea and the first estate to recruit predominantly female labour. The author first examines what categories of women tended to sell their labour power to the estate management and how this relates to customary patriarchal controls in the local communities. Then he highlights the intensification of managerial control and exploitation of women pluckers during the economic crisis that has affected the corporation since 1986-1987. Finally, he deals with the response of women pluckers to this severe crisis, showing that they have adopted various strategies to cope with the structural adjustment measures which have been planned and implemented by the management in close cooperation with the State-controlled trade union. What emerges from this study is that even during the economic crisis the management has failed to fully control the women pluckers in the labour process. Show less
The issue of regional integration has acquired a new relevance and urgency in Africa due to wide-reaching national and global changes. African leaders' commitment to regional economic integration... Show moreThe issue of regional integration has acquired a new relevance and urgency in Africa due to wide-reaching national and global changes. African leaders' commitment to regional economic integration was clearly expressed during the June 1991 OAU summit meeting in Abuja, Nigeria. On that occasion, they signed a treaty to establish an African Economic Community (AEC) by the year 2025. This chapter reviews the various regional integration schemes that came into existence in the aftermath of independence - Union douaniŠre et ‚conomique de l'Afrique centrale (UDEAC), East African Community (EAC), Communaut‚ ‚conomique de l'Afrique de l'Ouest (CEAO), ECOWAS, Union ‚conomique et mon‚taire ouest-africaine (UEMOA), Economic and Monetary Union of Central Africa (CEMAC), and Southern African Customs Union (SACU). The chapter explains the reasons for the relative failure of these schemes and examines the consequences of Africa's rapidly changing position in the global economy for regional integration. Show less
This study shows that the neoliberal project propagated in the 1990s by the Western donors and the international financial institutions has not yet made much progress in Cameroon. It argues that... Show moreThis study shows that the neoliberal project propagated in the 1990s by the Western donors and the international financial institutions has not yet made much progress in Cameroon. It argues that this is not surprising, given the class character of the Cameroonian postcolonial State. The limited political reforms introduced by the Biya regime in 1990, especially the legalization of multipartyism, seem not to have stimulated economic liberalization, but rather to have further eroded the authoritarian and patrimonial State's capacity and willingness to undertake economic reforms. The experience of Cameroon suggests that there is no automatic linkage between political and economic liberalization. Show less
Contract farming schemes associated with agro-industrial enterprises have been of a more limited scope in Cameroon than in several other Third World countries, and largely unsuccessful. The... Show moreContract farming schemes associated with agro-industrial enterprises have been of a more limited scope in Cameroon than in several other Third World countries, and largely unsuccessful. The Cameroonian experience with contract farming therefore poses an interesting challenge to modernization theorists who have tried to impress upon Third World governments that an expansion of contract farming schemes might boost peasant productivity and living standards. In this case study the experience of the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) with various forms of contract farming is evaluated. Two periods are distinguished: the period of contract farming preceding the World Bank scheme (1946/1947-1977/1978), and the period from the implementation of the World Bank scheme to 1987 (1977/1978-1986/1987). This evaluation of the CDC smallholders' schemes provides some of the principal reasons for the rather limited and unsuccessful experience with contract farming in Cameroon. Firstly, there is the rather ambiguous attitude of the government and CDC management towards smallholder development. Secondly, there is the precarious dependence on commodity prices on the domestic and international markets. Thirdly, there is the problem of establishing control over the schemes. Feeling exploited, the participants opposed managerial efforts to gain control over production and exchange. They regularly engaged in a variety of modes of resistance. Note, ref Show less
