On 26 July 2012, Mario Draghi declared in front of a group of about 200 London business people that he would do ‘whatever it takes to save the euro’.1 These seven words have been analysed to have... Show moreOn 26 July 2012, Mario Draghi declared in front of a group of about 200 London business people that he would do ‘whatever it takes to save the euro’.1 These seven words have been analysed to have made all the difference.2 By doing so, the European Central Bank (ECB) effectively ended a long period of uncertainty and indecisiveness. The markets needed a strong signal so that they knew that the young European currency would be supported politically and economically. After summer 2012, the euro area did not experience the same level of crisis, although the sovereign debt crisis was truly resolved only in 2015 and there were still challenging times until then. Show less
Civilian self-protection is often associated with nonviolent means of protection. This chapter questions this view and argues that certain types of armed self-defence can be understood as... Show moreCivilian self-protection is often associated with nonviolent means of protection. This chapter questions this view and argues that certain types of armed self-defence can be understood as expressions of civilian protection agency. Specifically, it examines the consequences of the activities of community-initiated part-time militias during the war in Mozambique, drawing on a data set of violent events compiled from archival sources and interviews. Through this case study, it explores in what ways and under what conditions these more contentious and more risky forms of civilian self-protection help reduce violence against civilians during wartime and contribute to protection outcomes. The chapter shows how any effect in terms of protection was a temporary one, as the rebels quickly adapted and learned how to respond to the new armed challenge. Overall, the chapter emphasizes the dynamic character of war, shaped by learning processes on both the part of civilians and rebels. Show less
This chapter offers an inquiry into how EMU has been conceptualized in the European Union by analysing the path taken over the past five decades. The definition of what is on the agenda, and... Show moreThis chapter offers an inquiry into how EMU has been conceptualized in the European Union by analysing the path taken over the past five decades. The definition of what is on the agenda, and considered part of the scope of EMU, has had a major impact on what EMU actually covers. In the early years, the focus was on exchange rates, policy coordination, and central banking. In the second part, macroeconomic policy coordination with limits on budgetary deficits and public debt took centre stage. The third period added the importance of banking regulation. The most recent period is branching out into the early steps of fiscal federalism. These topics had been considered when conceptualizing early plans, but had not been developed, as there was insufficient consensus for actionable points, leading to asymmetries. Revisions to EMU followed the various crises, for example the financial crisis and sovereign debt crisis, and most recently the COVID-19 crisis. Theories of European economic and political integration impacted the creation of EMU at the time of its design, but the pragmatic understanding of what was feasible was at least as important for determining what became part of the institutional design of EMU. Show less
Since the 1980s, the Greek political scene had been observing far-right movements and parties emerging in countries throughout Europe, without experiencing any similar phenomena within its own... Show moreSince the 1980s, the Greek political scene had been observing far-right movements and parties emerging in countries throughout Europe, without experiencing any similar phenomena within its own borders. However, in 2012, Greece would become the first country of Europe that would host, in the national parliament, a neo-Nazi party, the party of Golden Dawn. The country that since 2008 has been in a constant series of crises (economic, societal and political), was now also called to reflect on the emerging question: ‘How did we get here?’. In a country where, since its political change-over of 1974, democratization, tolerance and hospitality were the mainstream political discourse of parties throughout the left-right spectrum, a shift of that scale would be considered highly implausible. However, despite the internal collisions, disruptions and confrontations in far right movements, they managed to remain, maintain and preserve support within the electorate, reflecting the notion of extremism rooted in the Greek society. This chapter addresses not only successful expressions of far-right in Greece, like LA.O.S., Golden Dawn or Greek Solution, but also tries to identify the origins since the political change-over, of a political scene that was seen as a pariah that arose to shake the national democratic institutions. Building on the already extended bibliography on far-right (Mudde 2019, Ignazi 1996, Minkenbert 2011, Rydgren 2018) the chapter follows Greek far-right from 1974 onwards. As its compass it uses the predominant criteria of nationalism, racism, nativism and anti-establishment attitudes, in order to transcribe and narrate its foretold story. Show less
On 31 January 2020 the United Kingdom (UK) left the European Union (EU). In the European Parliament (EP), Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) cried together and folded flags. It marked the... Show moreOn 31 January 2020 the United Kingdom (UK) left the European Union (EU). In the European Parliament (EP), Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) cried together and folded flags. It marked the end of an era. At the end of that year, after much agony, the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) was signed on 24 December 2020 and the ratification was completed in April 2021. The TCA allows both entities tariff-free, quota-free access to markets for goods. Services are not part of the TCA. Part of the agreement are also fishing rights as well as cooperation in the area of security (e.g., in the area of information sharing security related to matters of internal security), but no mention of security and defence collaboration. There are still many unresolved issues. Some of these issues involve fishing matters (Reuters, 2021). But collaboration in security and defence matters is also crucial as demonstrated by the need to deal with the war in Ukraine that erupted following the Russian invasion on 24 February. Show less
This chapter charts the position of the European Union (EU) in the global political economy (GPE), identifies key dimensions of change and development, and evaluates the EU’s impact on the... Show moreThis chapter charts the position of the European Union (EU) in the global political economy (GPE), identifies key dimensions of change and development, and evaluates the EU’s impact on the operation of the contemporary GPE. It does so by outlining key ideas in international political economy (IPE), by relating these to the growth of the EU, and by assessing the EU’s role in the GPE in three areas: European integration itself, the EU’s engagement in the GPE, and the EU’s claims to be a major economic power. The final part of the chapter brings these together an examination of global economic governance—in particular, the EU’s role in the financial, multilateral state system with its principles of global governance, and pays some attention to recent crises (such as the Covid-19 pandemic) and the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Show less
This contribution develops process tracing (PT) as a method for Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA). It explains what it takes to conduct PT, trace a mechanism, and draw conclusions on that basis.... Show moreThis contribution develops process tracing (PT) as a method for Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA). It explains what it takes to conduct PT, trace a mechanism, and draw conclusions on that basis. Importantly, I lay out an analyticist approach to PT that is amendable to more actor-centered and interpretivist studies. This approach treats mechanisms as akin to Weberian ideal types: abstract constructs that are adduced from multiple concrete, contextually embedded, and largely idiosyncratic instantiations. This creates space for agency and contingency and allows us to (a) study how a mechanism or concatenation of mechanisms led to a particular outcome; (b) assess how the mechanism(s) functioned in a given context; and (c) abstract from the specific instantiation(s) more general propositions about foreign policy making. In an empirical example of state employment of Private Military and Security Contractors, drawing on interpretivist and narrative-based understandings of FPA, I illustrate what this means in practice. Show less
As the most powerful executive actor in the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), the Eurogroup has faced continuous demands to improve its accountability record since the euro crisis. One reform... Show moreAs the most powerful executive actor in the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), the Eurogroup has faced continuous demands to improve its accountability record since the euro crisis. One reform introduced to meet these demands were the Economic Dialogue – a regular exchange of views between the European Parliament and the President of the Eurogroup designed to ‘ensure greater transparency and accountability’ in the EMU. This chapter investigates the practical functioning of the Economic Dialogues with the Eurogroup between 2013 and the 2019 European Parliament elections. Applying the theoretical framework of the introduction, the purpose is to examine the extent to which the Parliament focuses on procedural or substantive accountability when questioning the Eurogroup President. Moreover, the chapter investigates the reasoning of parliamentary questions in line with the four accountability goods identified at the outset (openness, non-arbitrariness, effectiveness, and publicness). The findings show that Members of the European Parliament are eager to question the extent to which Eurogroup decisions are substantively open and effective, and to a lesser extent whether they are arbitrary or protect EU interests more generally. The analysis is based on fourteen transcripts of Economic Dialogues with the Eurogroup President, which took place between 2013 and 2019. Show less
This chapter examines the euro crisis. It examines its pre-history, the euro crisis, its aftermath and offers an analysis by looking to its origins. The chapter focuses first on internal... Show moreThis chapter examines the euro crisis. It examines its pre-history, the euro crisis, its aftermath and offers an analysis by looking to its origins. The chapter focuses first on internal developments that have shaped the European integration process in the area of economic and monetary integration in order to provide an analysis of the euro crisis. The next section looks at the origins and developments of the euro area crisis as they unfolded and what responses political leaders gave. The fourth section examines the creation of some of the institutional structures that were created or conceptualised to develop EMU further, (such as European Financial Stability Facility, European Stability Mechanism, Banking Union, Capital Markets Union) and road maps (Four Presidents’ Report; Five Presidents’ Report) and the plans of 2017 (the March 2017 White paper on the Future of Europe and May 2017 Reflection Paper on EMU). The penultimate section provides an overarching analysis of these developments. It provides a summary of the ‘historiographical debate’ on the why and how of the euro-crisis. This dimension of historiography and theory is offered to contribute to ongoing scholarly debates of the euro-crisis and thereby contribute to a better understanding of the understanding of the history of the euro-crisis. The final section concludes and speculates about the road ahead. Show less
The aim of this chapter is to contribute to the debate on deconstructing the gender binary, toexplore notions of experiencing shame and violence, and also to identify key points of self-concept... Show moreThe aim of this chapter is to contribute to the debate on deconstructing the gender binary, toexplore notions of experiencing shame and violence, and also to identify key points of self-concept ingenderqueer people, by running a survey in three different countries: Greece, the UK and the Netherlands.The survey is the first to explore the impact of this gender- binary discourse and the experience of shameand violence within this frame, within the genderaqueer community in a comparative perspective. Thechapter contributes to the debate on perceptions of masculinity and femininity in association with shameand violence, while reconnoitring the role of culture as a driver of these perceptions and how that role leadsto the re-evaluation of the self along with the sense and impact of shame as a relational process with the self and the society. The survey approaches shame and violence, not only in terms of how they are perceived by the genderqueer community, but also of how they are expressed, e.g. in a passive way (directed violence against a person) or active way (person as actor engaging in violent behaviour) in everyday life. The application of different perspectives on confronting the binary, power and shame provides a critical take on the gender-based debate and on the crux of self-concept and identifies breaks with existing thinking and practice that are essential to any reform of gender recognition policy. Show less
As the guardian of the euro, the European Central Bank (ECB) manages what has long been considered the prime example of differentiated integration (Verhelst 2013; Schimmelfennig 2014). Originally... Show moreAs the guardian of the euro, the European Central Bank (ECB) manages what has long been considered the prime example of differentiated integration (Verhelst 2013; Schimmelfennig 2014). Originally known by other names, such as ‘variable geometry’ or ‘two-speed Europe’, differentiation arose when the Maastricht Treaty established Europe’s Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) with two member states (Denmark and the United Kingdom) receiving formal opt-outs (Thygesen 1999). Importantly, their autonomous decisions not to join the single cur-rency did not reflect a lack of capacity to meet requirements for joining. Rather this choice reflected deep-seated concerns among political elites and electorates about losing sovereignty in an area of core state powers. The 1992 and 2000 referendums in Denmark and the 2003 refer-endum in Sweden offer the clearest examples of this dynamic (Leuffen et al. 2013: 149).The ECB has overseen both a significant widening and deepening of integration in its domain during the two decades since its birth. While it was confronted with the threat of disintegration in the context of the euro area crisis, it has played its part in successfully averting the scenario of one (or more) member states leaving the euro area (Spiegel 2014; Schoeller 2018). At the height of the Greek sovereign debt crisis, there was widespread concern that the departure of one member of the euro area could lead to a domino effect – thereby calling into question the long-term viability of the single currency itself (Chibber 2011; Kutter 2014). From a neofunctionalist per-spective, one may argue that a supranational institution, such as the ECB, would seek to advance European integration as a supranational solution to transnational problems. The euro crisis offered a window of opportunity for pursuing this goal as the neofunctionalist logic suggests (Haas 1958; Schimmelfennig 2012; Hodson 2013; Niemann and Ioannou 2015). Show less
À l’été 2020, dans une démarche sans précédent, l’UE a proposé à ses États membres de les aider à faire face aux retombées de la pandémie de Covid-19. Pour ce faire, elle a puisé dans... Show moreÀ l’été 2020, dans une démarche sans précédent, l’UE a proposé à ses États membres de les aider à faire face aux retombées de la pandémie de Covid-19. Pour ce faire, elle a puisé dans le budget à long terme de l’UE (2021-2027) et créé un nouveau système de soutien temporaire appelé « NextGenerationEU » (NGEU). Officiellement mis en place en février 2021, la « facilité de reprise et de résilience » (FRR), qui est au cœur de NGEU, offre un soutien financier aux États membres, notamment par une combinaison de subventions et de prêts (Parlement européen et Conseil de l’UE 2021). Pour financer ces dépenses, l’UE a émis des emprunts, dont l’ampleur et la portée sont inédites et rompent avec des tabous de longue date (Alcidi et Corti, ce volume). Malgré tout cela, tous les analystes ne s’accordent pas pour dire qu’il s’agit là d’un changement radical (par exemple, Howarth et Quaglia, 2021). La Commission européenne a insisté pour que ces fonds soient assortis de conditions, à savoir être consacrés à la transition numérique, à la transition énergétique et à la stimulation d’une croissance sociale et inclusive bénéficiant à la prochaine génération. Les États membres doivent soumettre des plans nationaux de reprise et de résilience (PRR) détaillés pour accéder aux fonds. Show less
This chapter introduces economic and monetary union (EMU). It describes the key components of EMU and what happens when countries join. EMU was the result of decades of collaboration and learning,... Show moreThis chapter introduces economic and monetary union (EMU). It describes the key components of EMU and what happens when countries join. EMU was the result of decades of collaboration and learning, which have been subdivided here into three periods: 1969–91, from the agreement to creation to its inclusion in the Treaty on European Union (TEU); 1992–2002, from having the plans for EMU to the irrevocable fixing of exchange rates; and 2002 onwards, when EMU had been established, and euro banknotes and coins were circulating in member states. Next, the chapter reviews various theoretical explanations, both economic and political, accounting for why EMU was created and looks at some criticisms of EMU. Finally, the chapter discusses how EMU has fared under the global financial crisis, the sovereign debt crisis and the Covid-19 pandemic. These crises brought to the fore various imperfections in the design of EMU and provided opportunities for further development. This section discusses what changes have been made since 2009 to address those flaws and at what may be yet to come. Show less
