Although the Netherlands remained neutral during the First World War, its population was nonetheless affected by the war. Already in the 1920s and 1930s, Dutch journalists wrote about the... Show moreAlthough the Netherlands remained neutral during the First World War, its population was nonetheless affected by the war. Already in the 1920s and 1930s, Dutch journalists wrote about the possibility of a war in which the Netherlands would also be involved. From the early 1920s to the German invasion in May 1940, journalists, political commentators, politicians, military officials and civilians were occupied by the question what tomorrow’s war might look like. This book captures their efforts and brings to life the cultural memories of the First World War and the expectations for the war to come.By focusing on the dynamics of cultural memories, predictions for the future, and the resultant fear and anxiety, this book provides a better understanding of the ways in which the cultural memories of the Great War and expectations for a future war were part of Dutch society. It draws from a wide array of sources, ranging from newspaper clippings, novels, films and theatre plays to political cartoons and paintings. Most importantly, this study has a unique perspective. Whereas most existing studies look back from the Second World War, this book instead looks forward from the interbellum. Show less
Why did people decide to found political parties? How did they convince others to become members of this new organizational model? In the second half of the nineteenth century, the first party... Show moreWhy did people decide to found political parties? How did they convince others to become members of this new organizational model? In the second half of the nineteenth century, the first party organizations differed from previously existing mass political organizations, because they aimed for and had direct access to parliamentary representation. In contrast to previously existing parties that loosely organized the traditional political elite in parliament, the new mass parties were based on an extensive organizational body that included previously excluded social groups in politics. Combining political history with social science theory, this dissertation studies the ideas and practices of political activists who founded the first party organizations. The comparison of three case studies (the German Social Democratic Workers’ Party, the British National Liberal Federation and the Dutch Anti-Revolutionary Party) is based on primary sources including letters, diaries, autobiographies, minutes of meetings, brochures, newspapers and political programs in three different languages. Show less
This dissertation focuses on the workings of popular national agency in late nineteenth-century Amsterdam and the question in what ways and to what extent ‘ordinary’ citizens constructed and... Show moreThis dissertation focuses on the workings of popular national agency in late nineteenth-century Amsterdam and the question in what ways and to what extent ‘ordinary’ citizens constructed and experienced ‘the Netherlands’ through their urban surroundings. It steers away from a top-down perspective and considers the lower and middle social classes as actual actors in the process of democratising the nation. The argument of the book is centred around five case studies: the popular experience of public monuments and statues; the singing of the national anthem; popular Orangism; the public response to the Boer Wars; and the commercialisation of the nation in an urban context. Show less
This dissertation examines the memory cultures of Netherlandish migrants who left their homes during the Dutch Revolt (ca. 1568-1648) and the religious persecutions preceding it. It shows how... Show moreThis dissertation examines the memory cultures of Netherlandish migrants who left their homes during the Dutch Revolt (ca. 1568-1648) and the religious persecutions preceding it. It shows how narratives of exile and victimhood were transmitted between generations and cultivated in various social and religious settings until the eighteenth century. The consciousness of a shared past connected Netherlandish diaspora groups all over Europe and at the same time provided them with models of identification with their various local host societies. Integration into the various host societies in Germany, England and the Dutch Republic did not inhibit the commemoration of the refugee past, but led to an incorporation of exile narrative into new memory canons. New generations could often benefit from identifying with the fate of persecuted ancestors, especially in pietist and puritan circles in Germany and England. Having suffered for one’s faith served as a proof of religious steadfastness and the identification with the persecuted ‘small flock of true Christians’ appealed to many pietists without a migrant background. Exile narratives were increasingly shared by migrants and non-migrants and allowed individuals to participate in cultures of religious exclusivity Show less
This political biography analyzes the political influence of, and methods used by, P.W.A. Cort van der Linden (1846-1935), Dutch Prime-Minister from 1913 to 1918. While he was a Professor of... Show moreThis political biography analyzes the political influence of, and methods used by, P.W.A. Cort van der Linden (1846-1935), Dutch Prime-Minister from 1913 to 1918. While he was a Professor of Economics he developed a view of liberalism based on German idealism which also included a progressive use of Social Darwinism. This view was what he called “the theory of a higher sense of justice.” The application of this theory is evident in his legislation to protect children (1901) as well as in the constitutional revision of 1917. According to Van der Linden’s views, it was ‘a political necessity’ to introduce general male suffrage. He also made the future introduction of female suffrage possible, and, in spite of criticism from Kuyper, the leader of the Calvinistic antirevolutionary party, he made possible the equal treatment of private, denominational, and state schools. The non-partisan attitude of the Prime-Minister was also important for the maintenance of neutrality in the Netherlands during the First World War. Van der Linden stayed in close contact with Germany while Foreign Secretary Loudon spoke to the French. In addition to all these efforts, the Prime-Minister had to settle disputes within his cabinet, with commander-in-chief Snijders and with Queen Wilhelmina. Show less
