How armed forces adapt to operational challenges has been a salient subject in War Studies in recent years. However, the process of institutionalization of such lessons post-conflict has received... Show moreHow armed forces adapt to operational challenges has been a salient subject in War Studies in recent years. However, the process of institutionalization of such lessons post-conflict has received less attention. This study seeks to examine military learning processes during missions and beyond. By synthesizing organizational learning theories with the literature on military innovation, it argues that there are distinct but related forms of learning during and after operations that are subject to peculiar dynamics. Specifically, this research analyzes Dutch and British learning processes during operations in southern Afghanistan and their enduring impact on the respective military organizations. The Dutch and British experiences and institutionalization efforts are reconstructed based on archival records, policy documents, official evaluations and over one-hundred interviews with service members, civil servants and scholars with direct involvement in the Uruzgan and Helmand campaigns during the most volatile years in the Afghanistan war and their aftermath. Show less
Focusing on how to explain the problems in creating a sustainable common security and defence mechanism for the EU, this research explores a causal mechanism based on the institutional gridlock,... Show moreFocusing on how to explain the problems in creating a sustainable common security and defence mechanism for the EU, this research explores a causal mechanism based on the institutional gridlock, member states’ preferences, and the characteristics of the EU strategic culture, and their reflections in the context of two specific policy issues (2011 Libya crisis and 2014 Ukraine conflict). It observes that three factors play an equally and simultaneously important role. Nevertheless, its empirical findings (e.g., the absence of an operational headquarters, military capacities, the issue of applying to EU institutions, local ownership, and political will) suggest considering other related factors in explaining the problem. For example, the main problem in institutional gridlock is the coordination problem of EU institutions. So, studies should focus on that, and the EU institutions integrated actions with member states. In addition, although case studies provide strong evidence, the member states' preferences should be analysed multi-dimensionally. Indeed, the research findings do not conclude that national preferences replace CSDP decisions or that CSDP actors affect member states through socialisation. Therefore, ongoing studies should focus on alternative explanations for socialisation. Finally, the research details the characteristics of EU strategic culture, stating that it should be studied from a holistic perspective, perhaps independently. Doing so makes an essential contribution to the EU strategic culture debates. Overall, this research produces more accurate explanations about the functioning of defence and security policies and the reasons for forming specific results in the EU and contributes to the existing literature by presenting alternative suggestions. Show less
In 2009-2010, the notion of a more ‘assertive’ China emerged in Western discourse, a viewpoint that China vehemently rejects. Nevertheless, especially after Xi Jinping rose to power in 2012, it is... Show moreIn 2009-2010, the notion of a more ‘assertive’ China emerged in Western discourse, a viewpoint that China vehemently rejects. Nevertheless, especially after Xi Jinping rose to power in 2012, it is clear that China has abandoned its long-held foreign policy doctrine of ‘keeping a low profile.’ This Doctoral Dissertation explains this shift by examining the intervening ideas about China’s desired place in the world. CCP propaganda offers compelling evidence that there is much greater continuity between the Hu and Xi eras than is exhibited in the current literature. Moreover, the Dissertation traces the deeper ideational sources of Chinese assertiveness back to the New Left movement and the Patriotic Education Campaign of the 1990s. Agency for the turn in the late 2000s and the selection of compromise candidate Xi is attributed to the choices past leaders made, with some Party elders ‘ruling from behind the curtain.’ Show less
Het proefschrift is feitelijk een bestuurskundig vervolg op het bestuurshistorische boek ‘Betwist bestuur – Wijkraden en deelgemeenten in Rotterdam’ (2017) van dezelfde auteur. In het proefschrift... Show moreHet proefschrift is feitelijk een bestuurskundig vervolg op het bestuurshistorische boek ‘Betwist bestuur – Wijkraden en deelgemeenten in Rotterdam’ (2017) van dezelfde auteur. In het proefschrift is een uitvoerige samenvatting van dit boek opgenomen.In beide geschriften wordt vooral het bestuurlijk besluitvormingsproces inzake binnengemeentelijke territoriale decentralisatie van bestuur in Rotterdam beschreven, zoals vormgegeven door de Rotterdamse gemeenteraad en het college van burgemeester en wethouders. Meer concreet gaat het om de politiek-bestuurlijke besluitvorming op ‘de Coolsingel’ betreffende de instelling van wijkraden en deelgemeenten in Rotterdam tussen 1947 en 2014. In dat laatste jaar werden de deelgemeenten in Rotterdam en Amsterdam door een wijziging van de Gemeentewet opgeheven.In het proefschrift wordt de empirie, zoals beschreven in het boek ‘Betwist bestuur’ uit 2017, aan een bestuurskundige heranalyse onderworpen. Dit geschiedt aan de hand van drie bestuurskundige modellen om complexe besluitvormingsprocessen te reconstrueren: het fasenmodel, het stromenmodel en het rondenmodel. Door de bestuurskundige heranalyse komt met name de proceskant van het bestuurlijke besluitvormingsproces over decentraal bestuur in Rotterdam scherper in beeld. Succes- en faalfactoren om het primaire beleidsdoel – het beter betrekken van de Rotterdammers bij het bestuur van de gemeente en van delen daarvan – te bereiken, kunnen beter worden herkend. Show less
This research revealed the role of leaders in relation to incident prevention in organisations. The acquired data showed that Dominance-oriented leaders have a negative influence on safety.... Show moreThis research revealed the role of leaders in relation to incident prevention in organisations. The acquired data showed that Dominance-oriented leaders have a negative influence on safety. Relation-oriented leaders appeared to be friendly people with no real influence on safety. Production-oriented leaders are real achievers, committed to meeting production targets. A new character emerged during our research: the Process-oriented leader. This leader proved a dedicated safety minded leader, who fulfils his production duties in a responsible way, taking care of the reliability of production without compromising the safety of his team members. Also, we developed a Risk Reduction Cycle, showing the risk reduction process. This model revealed that the recognition of risks and implementation of remedial actions are the weakest links. In conclusion, we argue that this research revealed that the effectiveness of incident prevention depends predominantly on the individual behaviour of their leaders. Consequently, in order to foster Process-oriented Safety Leadership, we recommend not to focus on operational safety practices to be carried out by the workforce. Instead, we deliberately emphasise the influential power of their leaders, and propose a set of Process-oriented Safety Leadership Principles, directed at the board room level of organisations and three external parties. Show less
This PhD investigates the development of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, with a particular focus on the distinction between terrorism and insurgency. The findings have been published in five peer... Show moreThis PhD investigates the development of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, with a particular focus on the distinction between terrorism and insurgency. The findings have been published in five peer-reviewed articles, and are joined by an introductory framework and a concluding chapter. The scene-setter contextualizes the problem of terrorism in Mali, describes the fragmented landscape of jihadist groups, analyzes how Tuareg separatism led to AQIM's control of northern Mali, and illustrates how shortcomings in national and local governance fueled insecurity. The second conceptual article analyzed whether AQIM should be regarded as terrorism, insurgency or organized crime, and concluded that - at the time of writing (2016) - most indicators pointed to the group following a strategy of terrorism. A treatise on methodology investigated the discrepancy between the international community's perception of Mali pre-2012 as a stable 'posterboy for democracy', while it was Mali that suffered a near-complete collapse in 2012. It concluded that a quantitative risk approach, rather than a qualitative threat approach, contributed to this misperception. The fourth article applied the first trinity from Clausewitz’s opus On War to Operation Serval, the French military operation to oust AQIM from northern Mali in 2013. Clear political goals, contingency planning, an audacious military operation combined with luck all helped France secure an initial victory against AQIM. The final article focused on potential pathways for AQIM to end, and concluded that in 2021 AQIM followed a strategy of insurgency, while much of the international response remained rooted in the paradigm of counterterrorism. Show less
In the past years, Mali has experienced an unprecedented rise in terrorism. After twenty years of relative peace, the country was shaken to its core in 2012 when a Tuareg-led rebellion overthrew... Show moreIn the past years, Mali has experienced an unprecedented rise in terrorism. After twenty years of relative peace, the country was shaken to its core in 2012 when a Tuareg-led rebellion overthrew the government and the northern parts of the country quickly turned into a safe haven for terrorist groups including Al Qaeda and - in later years - the Islamic State. From 2012 to 2022, a country that was once considered a prime example of African democracy, has been faced with a rapidly downward cycle in terms of stability and security. In the past three years alone, the military staged two coups and Mali is now ruled by a military regime. Two major military and political interventions by the French, operations Serval and Barkhane, the multiple efforts of ECOWAS, and a large UN-mission to the country, MINUSMA, were not able to turn the tide. In a country where it is already a challenge to draw clear lines between the multitude of terrorist, separatist, guerilla and auto-defense groups, it is even more difficult to understand how individuals become involved in terrorist groups. Seeking the answer to that question is the central aim of this study. Based on extensive research among policymakers, prison staff, the international community and those accused and/or sentenced for terrorism, this thesis conducts a multilevel analysis of the process of involvement in terrorism in Mali. The findings suggest that group-level factors including peer pressure, group think, societal tensions and fusion of values were best able to shed light on how individuals become involved with terrorist groups. Especially the relationship between citizens and the state turned out to be an important factor, with prisoners arguing they do not recognize the ruling elite, foreign actors or the borders of the country as they are drawn. With the combination of access to and analysis of unique primary source material, this study offers a nuanced and empirically grounded contribution to the academic and societal debate on terrorism involvement in Mali - with wider implications for the West-African context. While taking into account the inherently subjective nature of narratives, this thesis provides us with a better understanding of why individuals become terrorists given the specific cultural, historical and geographical context within which they have shared their stories. Show less
There are approximately 400 companies in the Netherlands that handle large quantities of hazardous substances (Brzo companies). They pose a major risk of damage to people, the environment, movable... Show moreThere are approximately 400 companies in the Netherlands that handle large quantities of hazardous substances (Brzo companies). They pose a major risk of damage to people, the environment, movable and immovable property. Since 1945 there have been 172 dead and 1719 wounded in the Netherlands.The government has a responsibility to ensure that the Brzo companies comply with legislation and regulations (compliance). Important instruments that the government can use are legislation, supervision and enforcement.In order to determine the current state of the quality of the government's implementation of this task, a study was conducted with the central research question: Is the quality of the current supervision and enforcement by the government such that the companies large quantities of hazardous substances are brought into compliance with legislation and regulations? A qualitative case study was chosen among five collaborating government supervisors. Document analysis and semi-structured interviews were used as research methods in these cases. A conceptual model has been drawn up.The study leads to the conclusion that Brzo supervision is in order quantitatively, but is sub-optimal in terms of quality. Show less
Online radicalisation has been highlighted by policymakers, the media, and academics as a top security priority in recent years. This thesis unpacks the concept by empirically analysing 201 Islamic... Show moreOnline radicalisation has been highlighted by policymakers, the media, and academics as a top security priority in recent years. This thesis unpacks the concept by empirically analysing 201 Islamic State terrorist actors in the US, discerning their pathways into their eventual activity and assesses the role of the Internet. The findings suggest that that while the Internet is ubiquitous, the online domain does not seem to be replacing face-to-face interactions, nor do terrorists that act online demonstrate substantially different experiences to those that do not. In fact, using the Internet may be a hindrance, rather than a help, to would-be terrorists.The findings also posit three interrelated radicalisation dynamics: Firstly, the consumption of propaganda is part of an ongoing socialisation process in which individuals take to social media to play out a staged authenticity to their peers. Secondly, an examination of the female terrorists shows that many use the Internet to circumvent gender restrictions and instead carve out a radical identity for themselves. Finally, the Internet can act as a “buyers’ market” of limitless information in which would-be terrorists can fulfil their needs in a space with fewer restrictions or constraints. The thesis concludes by outlining its contributions to the academic literature at the empirical, theoretical, and policy-level. Show less
This thesis attempts to interrogate post-1991-2015 political development in Ethiopia, focusing on the political discourses espoused by the government and opposition, using the discourse analysis... Show moreThis thesis attempts to interrogate post-1991-2015 political development in Ethiopia, focusing on the political discourses espoused by the government and opposition, using the discourse analysis method and securitization theory. Discursive narratives and counter- discourse narratives are used by the political elite as instruments for political mobilization to bolster their ideological claims, while negating those of their opponents.The study draws two important linkages between the political discourses of the major political forces and the speech act” in securitization theory, where the EPRDF Government used extraordinary measures to quell opponents criticism of its doctrine,which is based on revolutionary democracy, ethnic federalism and the developmental state as sub- versive and existential terrorist acts intended to undermine its system rule. Concomitantly, opposition political discourses portray the EPRDF Government as a threat to the emergence of competitive open democratic politics, which would eventually lead to un- dermining the existence of Ethiopia as a unitary state.The thesis argues that government and opposition political discourses and the securitization of democracy have resulted in the emergence of the politics of the extraordinary”, which closed the political space for the growth and development of normal politics. The cumulative effect of the politics of the extraordinary is that it stifles any opportunity for authentic democratization to emerge. In Ethiopia, it privileged the securitization of democracy and legitimized the use of violence as an extension of a centralist revolutionary democratic discourse.Accordingly, this thesis explains the failure of post-1991 political development by unveiling the role of discursive narratives in shaping an entrenched nexus between politics and security. The thesis also examines the ruling partys political discourses and its institutionalizations, and investigates the discourses of the opposition – the Pan-Ethiopianists and ethno-nationalists – and the interplay of these discourses. Show less
Nowadays, countering terrorism involves many pressing ethical dilemmas for the professionals involved. The terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001 have had a tremendous impact on the practice of... Show moreNowadays, countering terrorism involves many pressing ethical dilemmas for the professionals involved. The terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001 have had a tremendous impact on the practice of counterterrorism. The option of shooting down a presumed hijacked commercial airliner, with the deaths of many innocent passengers as a consequence, has been added to the toolbox of counterterrorism professionals. Naturally, most of the ethical dilemmas faced by counterterrorism professionals are not as extreme as this and mostly related to routine issues.Most of the ethical dilemmas facing counterterrorism professionals were, when this research started, hardly represented in the literature on counterterrorism and security studies, or in studies on applied ethics and ethics support. This thesis sets out to fill this gap by formulating and then addressing its main research question: What is the current relevance of the ethics of counterterrorism and what is the added value of ethics support within the practice of counterterrorism? This thesis contributes to the debate on the ethics of counterterrorism and explores the added value of applied ethics and ethics support in professional practice. Show less
Managing cutbacks has been an important task for many public managers. Given that demands for high-quality public services are ever-present and public organisations cannot simply choose to stop... Show moreManaging cutbacks has been an important task for many public managers. Given that demands for high-quality public services are ever-present and public organisations cannot simply choose to stop their services, public managers are often asked to find ways to “do more with less.” This dissertation examines what public managers do when they are confronted with cutbacks. In this dissertation, different public management perspectives are applied to study managerial behaviour during cutbacks. The perspectives are used to analyse how public managers, during cutbacks, manage upward to their political superiors, downward to their employees, outward to external stakeholders and, finally, how values of public managers manifest themselves in cutback decision-making. The results shed light on the enormous task that public managers face when having to manage cutbacks. Show less
The European Council and the European Commission have a similar role in agenda setting. Both place issues on the EU agenda. However, these institutions have distinct designs. They have... Show moreThe European Council and the European Commission have a similar role in agenda setting. Both place issues on the EU agenda. However, these institutions have distinct designs. They have different political attributes (the European Council has considerably more political authority) and information-processing capacities (the Commission can handle many more issues simultaneously). In domestic political systems, organizations often differ on what issues to attend and how to do it, circumstances induced in part by their designs. But we know little about how this happens in the EU system. Do the European Council and the Commission set the agenda differently, according to their distinct architectures? Or do they do it similarly, according to their similar roles? Further, while the function of each institution is formalized, their relationship is not. We do not know how their designs affect their interaction. Who follows whom? Or do the institutions influence each other? The study reveals and explains underlying dynamics in EU agenda setting. It looks into the processes of each agenda (intra-agenda dynamics) and between them (inter-agenda dynamics) across decades. The field of organized crime is examined over time. The study shows that to better understand their interplay, we need to observe their individual behaviors. Show less
There is an increasing amount of attention on EU and its Member States contributions to implementation of two landmark agreements: the Paris Climate Agreement and the UN Agenda 2030 with... Show moreThere is an increasing amount of attention on EU and its Member States contributions to implementation of two landmark agreements: the Paris Climate Agreement and the UN Agenda 2030 with Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Absent from the current literature is an analysis of the political effect of legal competences on coordination between EU and Member State actors. Legal competences will become increasingly important for transformative sustainability policies. By using different case studies focusing on alternative fuel policies, ‘Team EU’ in climate negotiations and SDG implementation, this dissertation attempts to explore the potential of including legal competences as independent variables explaining coordination of EU and Member State actors. The findings nuance some of the theories in which the role of EU Treaties is often neglected. The dissertation also shows, however, that the legal competences are sometimes not used habitually unless clear examples of behaviours ‘contrary to the Treaty-logic’ or ‘contrary to sustainable development objectives’. The dissertation not only serves academic integrative purposes. There is increased societal attention for legal avenues to influence political decision-making. As an example, the Dutch ‘Urgenda’ case demonstrate that Courts can be responsive to the argument that Member States’ policies are ‘unlawful’ to avoid dangerous climate change. Show less
Radicalism and Extremism are words frequently used, but as concepts or terms, they are contested. This, in part, can be explained by the fact, that their meanings are somehow fuzzy. The term... Show moreRadicalism and Extremism are words frequently used, but as concepts or terms, they are contested. This, in part, can be explained by the fact, that their meanings are somehow fuzzy. The term extremism is, in the German context, used by authorities and government agencies that have mandates to ensure public safety. They use it to mark the enemies of the constitution –which makes a clear definition important. Over many decades, a large number of definitions has been developed by authorities and academics. Nevertheless a legal definition that is generally accepted is still lacking in Germany. In this doctoral thesis, many definitions have been brought together and analyzed, in order to differentiate between radicalism and extremism. Two scientific methods have been utilised in order to achieve this goal: the terminological analysis method introduced by Koselleck and the conceptual analysis method proposed by Sartori. On the basis of these two approaches, one more historical, the other more comparative, this thesis critically reviews radicalism and extremism. The goal of the thesis is, to develop two consensus definitions of radicalism and extremism respectively. The academic consensus definition of terrorism, that Schmid developed between 1984 and 2011, serves as role model and example. In a first step, the two different methodologies are explained. The historical term analysis, developed by Koselleck, is used in order to analyse the change of meanings of a term over time. The analytical concept analysis, developed by Sartori, is used in order to generate lexical competence of a concept by comparing it with neighouring concepts, so that it is possible to highlight the scope of its contemporary meaning. Kosellecks historical term analysis starts with the description of the etymological aspects of that term and its everyday use. Then, the historical periods when these terms were used are explored and the meanings of these two concepts radicalism and extremism in the different time periods and socio-political environments are analyzed. The historical term analysis focuses on the social and the political contexts of a term and related shifts of meaning. Especially Kosellecks history-oriented method makes very clear that concepts have a social-historical dimension and that the meanings of a concept are always linked to the past reality in which it was situated and used. In this thesis, the concepts’ places in social history are explored. The historical evolution of word-meanings make clear that concepts are subject to circumstance or contingency. This shows the value of historical term analysis as an alternative method for the development of political theory. The meaning of the concepts radicalism and extremism has evolved differently, depending on different social and political developments in the countries analyzed. This has also impacted on the terms subsequent meanings, reflecting political power constellations in different periods of time. Comparing the developments in England and Germany show the interplay between political power and social history. The analysis makes clear that, historically, radicalism is primarily linked to the 19th century civil rights movement, while extremism is a more modern concept that developed only in the 20th century in the context of totalitarianism. Radicalism found its place in the English word pool of political concepts early and is deeply connected to an antimonarchic attitude and the rejection of absolutistic claims to power. Only many years later, the concept of radicalism enters the German word pool of political concepts. Here as well, the concept of radicalism is connected to a civil rights movement and its claim for voice in the political process and the fight for greater democratic rights. Extremism on the other hand, is mostly connected to the development of totalitarian mass movements. In a subsequent section, the instrumentalization of the concepts is presented. The political power potential of the concepts of radicalism and extremism is demonstrated by the positive or negative load of meaning in the use of the two concepts. Both concepts turn out to serve as instruments of political controversy, as they are competitive rhetorical devices. It can be shown that the rhetorical instrumentalisation by word users has again a sociopolitical background. Kosellecks historical term analysis is followed by a concept analysis use of Sartori’ method. Concept analysis in the footsteps of Sartori begins with the collection of definitions that have been made in different contexts. The collection of definitions from schoolbooks, lexica and compendiums is a necessary step in order to represent the bredth of generally accepted word knowledge. The presentation of everyday understandings allows to access the prevailing Zeitgeist of an epoch. Zeitgeist and concept appear to be intimately linked. Subsequently definitions from various academic disciplines (namely: political science, sociology, criminology, historical studies, jurisprudence) were collected in order to have a broad spectrum of understandings in different academic disciplines. The collected definitions enables the identification of definitorial elements which are caught in matrices. The ordering of definitional elements and the analysis of their structural features allows us to get closer to consensual definitions of extremism and radicalism. By listing the particular structural elements of the definitions, the broad spectrum of the concepts under consideration becomes visible. Sartori also advises the researcher to explore the semantic field of concepts. The semantic field of a concept is co-determined by bordering concepts for both radicalism and extremism which also allows for further differentiation. Sartori also proposed that the scientific understanding of a term is determined by theoretical frameworks. Therefore, the various theoretical frameworks that exist within the field of extremism research are addressed. In addition to the theoretical context of definitions the political context is highlighting, based on an analysis of official government definitions. The socio-political context of postwar Germany turns out to be an important background to a better understanding of extremism and, to a lesser extent, radicalism. At the end of the thesis, two synthetic definitions of radicalism and extremism are presented which should be able to attract a higher level of consensus than existing definitions in the German academic discourse. Show less
How and why do people become involved in European homegrown jihadism? Why do only some of those who participate in such groups actually go on to use violence? The main objective of this PhD thesis... Show moreHow and why do people become involved in European homegrown jihadism? Why do only some of those who participate in such groups actually go on to use violence? The main objective of this PhD thesis is to address these overarching questions through an in-depth case study of an influential homegrown jihadist group; namely, the Dutch ‘Hofstadgroup’ which was active between 2002 and 2005. The group’s planned and perpetrated acts of violence, most notoriously the murder of filmmaker Theo van Gogh in November 2004, have had an impact on Dutch society that is felt to this day. More importantly, the group is a leading example of a typology of terrorism that continues to pose a challenge to Western states’ security. An understanding of the various processes through which the Hofstadgroup’s participants became involved, and which led some to plan and perpetrate acts of terrorism, therefore remains of considerable relevance to academics, policy makers and counterterrorism practitioners today. By using police files on the Hofstadgroup and interviews with former participants, the thesis adds a large quantity of new information to a field often charged with recycling existing insights and uses that information to assess existing assumptions about the processes leading to terrorism. Show less
In this PhD-research, the main question addressed is whether or not conspiracy constructions are boosting hatred against the political system - and if conspiracy constructions could prompt... Show more In this PhD-research, the main question addressed is whether or not conspiracy constructions are boosting hatred against the political system - and if conspiracy constructions could prompt violent actions against politicians, institutions or symbols of the political system. Based on research into digital communities in which conspiracy constructions flourish, the research concludes that conspiracy constructions function as substitute ideologies and substitute religions in a post-political setting. Offering a clear master narrative of 'Us' and 'Them', and making a complex world eligible again, conspiracy constructions function as coded social critiques informing those who feel alienated, neglected and betrayed by the political establishment. However, as conspiracy constructions neglect real social and political opposites, cleavages and antagonisms that divide each society and construct a fictitious homogeneous 'People', the political mobilizing potential of conspiracy constructions is almost absent. Notwithstanding the violent and hateful discourse on social media one should not exaggerate the risks in terms of national security. The popularity of conspiracy constructions and the hateful discourse against the political system signals foremost powerlessness, despair and resentment that finds an outlet on social media. Show less
Does society need armed forces? If so, what form should they take and what position should they hold in a democratic society? Critical conscripts, conscientious objectors, professional soldiers,... Show moreDoes society need armed forces? If so, what form should they take and what position should they hold in a democratic society? Critical conscripts, conscientious objectors, professional soldiers, civilians and antimilitarists posed these questions during the Cold War. This study investigates their criticism of and protest against the armed forces and national security and defense policy in the Netherlands between 1945 and 1989. It first examines how and why the critics of the armed forces questioned its form and existence. Secondly, this study looks into the Ministry of Defense's reaction to these critics. It explores how the ministry interpreted and responded to criticism and protest. The main question of this study is to what extent did the ministry believe that the criticism undermined the armed forces' legitimacy? Show less
Does society need armed forces? If so, what form should they take and what position should they hold in a democratic society? Critical conscripts, conscientious objectors, professional soldiers,... Show moreDoes society need armed forces? If so, what form should they take and what position should they hold in a democratic society? Critical conscripts, conscientious objectors, professional soldiers, civilians and antimilitarists posed these questions during the Cold War. This study investigates their criticism of and protest against the armed forces and national security and defense policy in the Netherlands between 1945 and 1989. It first examines how and why the critics of the armed forces questioned its form and existence. Secondly, this study looks into the Ministry of Defense's reaction to these critics. It explores how the ministry interpreted and responded to criticism and protest. The main question of this study is to what extent did the ministry believe that the criticism undermined the armed forces' legitimacy? Show less
We study several aspects of the formation of galaxies, using numerical simulations. We investigate the influence of about thirty different sub-grid physics recipes for cooling, star formation,... Show moreWe study several aspects of the formation of galaxies, using numerical simulations. We investigate the influence of about thirty different sub-grid physics recipes for cooling, star formation, supernova feedback, AGN feedback etc. on the resulting galaxy populations with large SPH simulations. We investigate several parameters that quantify the environment of galaxies and present the strongest measure of halo mass and a new parameter that is insensitive to halo mass. We look at the effects of input physics and dust attenuation on the simulated luminosity functions and compare luminosity functions directly obtained from simulations, with those using observers' tools on mock images. Regardless of most parameters used for the mock image creation and the detection of sources, these two LFs agree well. The last chapter compares several ways of sampling stellar IMFs in clusters that follow a cluster mass function in order to see how the choice of CMF and sampling method influence the resulting integrated galactic initial mass function. The effects are only significant if the CMF extends as a steep power-law down to a few solar masses. We study the effects of these IGIMFs on the galaxies' integrated photometry and metal and O-star content. Show less
