Betrokken burgers vormden de ruggengraat van de Republiek. Het dagelijks leven draaide voor een groot deel op buurtorganisaties, gilden en schutterijen – en dat waren juist de stedelijke... Show moreBetrokken burgers vormden de ruggengraat van de Republiek. Het dagelijks leven draaide voor een groot deel op buurtorganisaties, gilden en schutterijen – en dat waren juist de stedelijke instituties waar zij deel van uitmaakten. In 1796 kondigden de Bataafse revolutionairen het einde van sommige van deze instellingen af en introduceerden zij het staatsburgerschap. Maar was daarmee de rol van de stedelijke burger ook uitgespeeld?Dat komen we te weten als we luisteren naar de stadsbewoners zelf. Aan de hand van de levens van Haarlemmers en Groningers tussen 1747 en 1848 illustreert dit boek het voortbestaan van lokaal burgerschap. Zij komen aan het woord via verzoekschriften, kronieken, gelegenheidsgedichten, vergadernotulen en mondelinge klachten op de burgemeesterskamer. Hoe zag de ideale stedelijke gemeenschap er volgens hen uit? Welke rechten en plichten had een burger in hun ogen? En wat waren de dure plichten van een stadsbestuurder? Voor dit burgerschap putten stadsbewoners met souplesse uit traditionele én revolutionaire idealen en praktijken. Show less
The development of class cleavages in Chile in the 20th century has been notable for its similarity to European cases, which gave rise to important socialist left-wing parties. However, the Chilean... Show moreThe development of class cleavages in Chile in the 20th century has been notable for its similarity to European cases, which gave rise to important socialist left-wing parties. However, the Chilean left was characterised by its revolutionary socialist project channelled through the legal and democratic means of the time, known as the Chilean road to socialism. This thesis seeks to explain the formation of this project through a historical analysis of the development of socialism as a political expression of the class cleavage in Chile between 1891 and 1938. To this end, the study focuses on the ideological dimension of cleavages, with emphasis on three specific aspects of ideological groups: their strategic configurations, their organisational forms, and their political adaptability. The thesis reconstructs the ideological trajectory of the various socialist currents of the period, whose strategies and organizations encompassed a wide range of both institutional and extra-institutional projects. Through this analysis, it identifies the ideological patterns that facilitated or hindered certain socialist groupings from successfully channelling their respective political projects and eventually integrating themselves into the Chilean party system. Show less
This thesis attempts firstly to reconstruct the urban system or systems of the Roman Near east in the second and early third centuries C.E., consisting of the provinces of Syria Coele, Syria... Show moreThis thesis attempts firstly to reconstruct the urban system or systems of the Roman Near east in the second and early third centuries C.E., consisting of the provinces of Syria Coele, Syria Phoenice, Syria Palaestina, Osrhoene, Mesopotamia and Arabia. Secondly it analyses the different regional patterns within these systems. The first two chapters of the thesis describe the urban systems in the north and south of the Roman Near East respectively. The third chapter analyses to what degree the distribution of cities, and their sizes, relate to the agricultural productivity of the urban territories. The fourth chapter takes a detailed look at the largest city of the region, Antioch. The research shows that geographic factors and historical developments certainly played a role in the long term and defined the shape of urban networks in the region, but with ample room for human agency. Although we clearly see population growth compared to earlier periods, Roman cities in the Near East were nonetheless not particularly big, and most could be sustained with agricultural production from their direct hinterlands. From that perspective there is no reason to assume that integration into the Roman empire also brought stronger economic integration. Show less
Until now the Dutch women’s movement was mostly studied for a short period or in a single aspect, like one organisation. The choice for Leiden, a middle size Dutch town, made it possible to study... Show moreUntil now the Dutch women’s movement was mostly studied for a short period or in a single aspect, like one organisation. The choice for Leiden, a middle size Dutch town, made it possible to study the women’s movement as a whole over a long period of 130 years. This period included the so-called first feminist wave, with women’s suffrage as most prominent issue and the second with the abortion right movement as focus point, including the period in between. I analysed the wave movement that proved to be different for different organisations and showed an extra upheaval, a wave, in the 1930s. I also studied the relation of the women’s movement with – in the beginning - charitable women’s organisations, with other social movements, like the peace movement, and with political parties. The choice for Leiden also made it possible to go deeper into the background of the women (and men) involved in the women’s movement. The University proved to be a constant supplier of women for the women’s movement. Show less
"Indianisatie" was de term waarmee in het interbellum de opkomst van Indonesiers in de lagere middenrangen van gouvernement en westers bedrijfsleven werd beschreven. Deze Indonesiers wisten zich... Show more"Indianisatie" was de term waarmee in het interbellum de opkomst van Indonesiers in de lagere middenrangen van gouvernement en westers bedrijfsleven werd beschreven. Deze Indonesiers wisten zich met beperkte westerse opleiding op te werken binnen bedrijven en Europese vakbonden, die door de krappe arbeidsmarkt van hen afhankelijk werden. In de vakbondsbladen van onder meer de Indische Post lieten zij hun stem horen. Toen de Indische regering tijdens de grote crisis deze indianisatie zowel als natuurlijke ontwikkeling en als bezuiniging presenteerde, barstte een ongekend felle discussie los tussen de fracties in de raad. In deze discussie bleek hoezeer het rassencriterium, hoewel officieel passe, in praktijk het Nederlandse sociale beleid in de kolonie nog vorm gaf. Conservatieve Indonesische Volksraadsleden, onder meer van het Inlands Binnenlands bestuur, raakten gaande de discussie doordrongen van het feit, dat het indianisatiebeleid van de Indische regering blijvend te kort schoot. Met de nationalistische fractie in de Volksraad gingen zij indianisatie zien als opstap naar het grote bestuurshervormingswerk waarvan zij voor Indonesie hoopten dat het met rasse schreden zou naderen. Show less
Besides trading, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and its Western Indian counterpart (WIC) also sought to expand their dominant position by establishing and managing colonies. Central to this... Show moreBesides trading, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and its Western Indian counterpart (WIC) also sought to expand their dominant position by establishing and managing colonies. Central to this strategy was to stimulate an orderly, self-producing colonial population, with a European elite at the top and a sharp distinction between free citizens and people in slavery. The reality was less orderly, however: in disparate colonial settlements such as Batavia, Cochin, Ceylon, Elmina, Suriname, Curaçao and Berbice, people from different backgrounds, religions, and social positions encountered one another and formed relationships – formal and informal, coercive and consensual – which could either challenge or reinforce the social divisions on which colonial hierarchies rested. Regulating Relations, focusing on the abovementioned settlements in the eighteenth century, investigates how norms around marriage, family, and sexuality formed in this complex world: how did colonial authorities attempt to regulate the intimate relations of populations under their control, and how did men and women of various backgrounds give shape to these norms through their own behavior and use of institutions? Show less
Violent episodes from the early history of the Dutch East India Company, including its violent depopulation of the Banda Islands in 1609-1621 in order to gain exclusive control over nutmeg, have... Show moreViolent episodes from the early history of the Dutch East India Company, including its violent depopulation of the Banda Islands in 1609-1621 in order to gain exclusive control over nutmeg, have received increasing public and scholarly attention. However, the wider conflicts in the region over cloves, which continued for decades afterwards and were mainly centred around Ambon, received less attention as yet. In this dissertation, Tristan Mostert examines these seventeenth-century spice wars, and the influence of both environmental factors and the political dynamics of the region, from the arrival of the first Dutch ships in the area to the establishment of colonial control over Ambon, Hoamoal and the surrounding islands around 1656. The dissertation explores how the escalating conflict triggered wider regional power dynamics in which Gowa (Makassar) and Ternate were heavily involved. It also shows how the VOC turned to increasingly extreme tactics in its attempts to achieve its monopoly: deliberate environmental destruction, driving out and deporting the population, dismantling existing political and social structures. It contents that in order to understand how the VOC eventually established its monopoly, one should not look for traditional military explanations, but rather to this policy of environmental warfare and colonial control, through which it transformed the landscape of the region. Show less
This study explores the transfer processes of Qualification Framework policies in Chile and Colombia from the perspective of the Europeanization of higher education. The general aim was to compare... Show moreThis study explores the transfer processes of Qualification Framework policies in Chile and Colombia from the perspective of the Europeanization of higher education. The general aim was to compare the policy transfer process of the National Qualifications Frameworks in Chile and Colombia, analyzing its possible isomorphism with the European Qualifications Framework. This study uses a descriptive-type methodology. Information was collected from documental analysis and interviews with three groups involved in their development. Based on this, policy transfer maps were created for Chile and Colombia, distinguishing the moments of transnational attraction, design and implementation. The results show the existence of Europeanization processes in Colombia and effects of domestic opportunism in both countries. In particular, the impact of the technical characteristics of the Frameworks, their complexity and adjustment to local structures, as elements of politics, and coercion, the role of international experts and the phenomena of isomorphism as variables of the frameworks are analyzed. Taken together, all these variables are used to understand the failure of the Chilean and Colombian Qualifications Frameworks. Show less
This thesis is a study of the political criticism of two key republican newspapers (Le Petit Journal and Le Temps) in fin de siècle France. The study is set against the backdrop of two major... Show moreThis thesis is a study of the political criticism of two key republican newspapers (Le Petit Journal and Le Temps) in fin de siècle France. The study is set against the backdrop of two major political crises that occurred in the years 1887-1893: one was caused by the rise of the populist political movement called boulangism, the other by the eruption of a corruption affair called the Panama scandal. As it turns out, both newspapers, although republican in principle, expressed serious grievances about the republican system. Especially the Chamber of Deputies was considered as weak and ill-suited for the proper practice of democracy. Show less
This study analyses the representation of the Atlantic world in the Dutch periodical press throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. How did the periodical press cover the Dutch invasion... Show moreThis study analyses the representation of the Atlantic world in the Dutch periodical press throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. How did the periodical press cover the Dutch invasion and colonization of Brazil, the continuous warfare in the Caribbean in the latter part of the seventeenth century, the increasing confrontations between the French and the British in North America in the course of the eighteenth century, and the issue of slavery and slave revolts? It demonstrates how ordinary readers could gain knowledge of a world far beyond their daily horizons and shows how the (tone of the) coverage in the newspapers developed in correlation with the changing position of the Dutch Republic in the geopolitical constellation. Secondly, this study illuminates the news networks themselves, exploring how news travelled from one place to the next and how news networks influenced, and were influenced by, geopolitical developments. Thirdly, by taking a long-term perspective, this study also analyses the development of the periodical press and its function in the wider arena of early modern print media while also tracing the various transformations of the Atlantic world over the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Show less
This dissertation will demonstrate that there is a significant degree of continuity in Russian military thought over the 20th century due to the resilience of fundamental military concepts. To be... Show moreThis dissertation will demonstrate that there is a significant degree of continuity in Russian military thought over the 20th century due to the resilience of fundamental military concepts. To be conceptually fundamental is inextricably linked to historical continuity. The primary objective of this study, then, is to investigate the historical continuity of fundamental military concepts in Russian military thought between 1856 and 2010. In this regard, this dissertation attempts to show that fundamental military concepts ensured continuity rather than change, despite the changing strategic, political, and historical contexts. Ultimately, this research argues that socio-political and strategic ruptures have had a marginal impact on Russian fundamental military concepts. Thus, the present study seeks to provide new insights into 'conceptual continuity' in Russian military thought by using the military history of ideas between the late 19th and early 21st centuries. The study has concluded that fundamental military concepts that arose during the late 19th and early 20th centuries remained unaltered in Russia’s conceptualisation of modern warfare. Show less
In the Teutonic House at Utrecht, knights and priests lived together. They managed the local property of the Teutonic Order, which was a religious military order like the Knights Templar and the... Show moreIn the Teutonic House at Utrecht, knights and priests lived together. They managed the local property of the Teutonic Order, which was a religious military order like the Knights Templar and the Knights Hospitaller. This thesis provides insight into how the Teutonic House's acquisition of property came about during the Middle Ages. Much attention is paid, for example, to the motives of donors. The study draws extensively on a variety of sources, such as charters, lease registers and maps. Crusades, devotion, politics and patronage, leadership qualities and economic conditions emerge as the factors that determined the development of property acquisition in various forms. Show less
What explains nonresident citizens’ voter turnout and which effects do overseas votes generate in homeland politics? Using a multi-method strategy that encompasses 3 cross-sectional time-series... Show moreWhat explains nonresident citizens’ voter turnout and which effects do overseas votes generate in homeland politics? Using a multi-method strategy that encompasses 3 cross-sectional time-series datasets, 50 semi-structured interviews, the analysis of official documents and party manifestos, this dissertation examines nonresident citizens’ voter turnout in Latin America and Southern Europe. The results are abundant. First, the author finds that registration rules, compulsory voting, concurrent elections, voting methods, and democratic quality have a meaningful impact on nonresident citizens’ voter turnout. Second, in this dissertation, there is an in-depth understanding of the different incentives, opportunities, and constraints associated with nonresident citizens’ voter turnout, including the role of homeland authorities and de facto practices to promote and/or to organize elections abroad. Third, the author unpacks swing, interregnum, incumbency, and feedback effects from a comparative quantitative logic. Correspondingly, this study suggests that parties, homeland politicians, and policymakers seek to avoid unwanted consequences controlling or influencing the political agenda. Both a sizable nonresident population and a high number of overseas votes have a moderate but significant impact on election results, either changing or not the bargaining among party organizations to govern. Lastly, this dissertation explores three pathways to analyze non-resident citizens’ voter turnout over time. Show less
In this study, gentrification concepts have been used as a heuristic device to analyse urban socio-economic changes in (pre-)Roman towns. After describing the most important gentrification theories... Show moreIn this study, gentrification concepts have been used as a heuristic device to analyse urban socio-economic changes in (pre-)Roman towns. After describing the most important gentrification theories, these concepts will be applied to the Roman towns on the Italian peninsula, using an explanatory model, which helped to filter the evidence and provided a special lens for looking at structures and changes in towns. The focus has been on the five main elements of Roman gentrification: (1) the presence of a sizeable group of affluent people, (2) a functioning property and rental market, (3) a shift in employment and diversification of professions, (4) a professionalisation of trades and crafts, (5) the locational preferences of the elite and their dependents and their investment in domestic and public architecture (urban renewal), public display and forms of entertainment. These five prerequisites determined the selection of textual and archaeological evidence that have been used in the case study in chapters. Show less
This historical study deals with the deployment and the effectiveness of observers in the former Yugoslavia. The intervention started small, but the number of observers from the European Community... Show moreThis historical study deals with the deployment and the effectiveness of observers in the former Yugoslavia. The intervention started small, but the number of observers from the European Community Monitoring Mission (ECMM) and particularly the number of United Nations Military Observers (UNMOs) grew substantially during the war. The variety of their tasks and the growing number of observers seem to indicate that they played an important role. However, there was initially little clarity about how they were deployed, how this deployment evolved and how effective the observers really were. In this study, effectiveness is a key concept, which involves not only taking a closer look at the results achieved by this category of military personnel, but also comparing those results with the investments their efforts required. This makes it possible to analyse and weigh the 'costs' and 'benefits' of their deployment. Based on the results achieved by observers in the former Yugoslavia and the investment this required, conclusions can be drawn about their effectiveness. In short, the observer operations on the Balkans could be described as complex, multi-faceted and high-risk. How justifiable was it to deploy observers in a conflict at the high end of the spectrum of force? Show less
The central argument of this thesis is to establish the link between mobility, material culture and urbanisation in Africa with special focus on the urban elite of Baba I in the North West Region... Show moreThe central argument of this thesis is to establish the link between mobility, material culture and urbanisation in Africa with special focus on the urban elite of Baba I in the North West Region of Cameroon. The study lies within an intricate political system and topography. The thesis questions the effects of material culture on landscape transformation of the society through mobility. Over the past decades, the use and acquisition of land have changed greatly with increased geographical and social mobility. This has caused tremendous effects on the lives of people be it politically, economically and socially and above all in the dynamics of land acquisition and development. The changes on the landscapes are not only physically visible but also socio-culturally with the way people carry themselves around through their daily interactions. Thus, the thesis attempts to study these transformation processes in the form of an ethnography of mobility and belonging of the Papiakum people of Baba I. An extra contribution of this thesis is that it is the first to tell the story of the Papiakum who have been glossed over by the early colonial ethnographers and anthropologists of the North Western Grassfields of Cameroon. The research focused on a specific group: the urban dwellers of Baba I who are constructing at home. I tried to understand the meaning and importance of land and houses (home) within the Baba community in which these elites invest. The study of these changing infrastructural landscapes gave an insight into the socio-political and cultural settings and challenges as well as the role of the elite in development.. The construction of these houses and other infrastructure are an expression of this elite’s belonging as required by Papiakum cultural tenets. Show less
In 1980, during the military government (1973-1990), a profound transformation of the higher education (HE) system began. This change involved establishing a market to stimulate competition between... Show moreIn 1980, during the military government (1973-1990), a profound transformation of the higher education (HE) system began. This change involved establishing a market to stimulate competition between different institutions and encourage private entities to provide higher education. This reform took shape through new legislation that established the freedom to create and maintain higher education institutions (HEIs), with only a few prerequisites to be fulfilled to enter the market - filing an act of constitution, offering at least one degree course and being granted political permission from the Ministry of Interior. In addition, it created a new financing scheme for HEIs, which established that private institutions created from 1980 onwards could not receive direct fiscal support from the state and had to finance their activities by charging tuition fees. Likewise, state universities - and private ones created prior to 1980 - that until then had received direct support from the state had to start charging tuition fees from then on, forcing their students to ask for loans from the state itself.By the end of the 1980s, 22 new independent private universities (IPUs) had been created. These came to form part of the national HE system, together with state universities and private ones that had existed prior to 1980. There are currently 29 IPUs, which account for more than 50 percent of Chilean university enrolment. If enrolment in private universities that existed before 1980 and in non-university HE institutions is added to this, Chile today has an 84 percent rate of enrolment in private institutions, one of the highest in the world. Therefore, Chile after 1980 has become an early case study for the private transformation of HE, driven by the military dictatorship and the result of the neoliberal policies enforced by the Pinochet government.Talking about new universities might seem like a contradiction. In fact, such is the importance of tradition and centuries-long history at universities that no HE entrepreneur can escape this reality. Given that they cannot ignore this institutional ideal or standard, new Chilean universities founded after 1980 have ended up imitating the traditional university model. A deep current of mimetic isomorphism runs through the history of universities, something that is clearly seen in Chile.It is therefore relevant to question the decisions that the IPUs that have become high- functioning institutions in Chile have taken in what has been a complex environment. For example, they have set up efficient governing bodies to achieve their individual aims and have organised themselves efficiently to fulfil both their academic and their sustainable307business models. As a result, this has led to new universities obtaining recognition (accreditation) from the public body that regulates them, as well as prestige or a good reputation (seen though high positions in Chilean or international rankings).To answer this question, this study analyses the trajectory of a number of successful Chilean IPUs. It uses the theory of the life cycle of organisations in a model that has three stages: (a) creation and formation, (b) formalisation and coordination and (c) consolidation and organisational effectiveness. The general aim of this study is to analyse the decisions taken and practices implemented by these IPUs, which have turned them into high-performing institutions. Show less
Neither red nor orange is a study of the manner in which Dutch sailors developed as a professional group during the period 1870-1914, and how the (naval and other) authorities and the 'outside... Show moreNeither red nor orange is a study of the manner in which Dutch sailors developed as a professional group during the period 1870-1914, and how the (naval and other) authorities and the 'outside world' responded to this. The key questions are: how did the Dutch rating's emancipation proceed in the period prior to the First World War, and what responses did this fight for emancipation provoke among the (naval) authorities, Parliament and the press? It is likely that the dissatisfaction, the alleged sympathy for the SDAP among sailors, and the fierce response of the naval authorities were interrelated. This doctoral thesis aims to analyse and explain the formation of the tensions within the Royal Netherlands Navy that reached an evident peak in 1918. In essence, this entails addressing the more abstract question of how an authoritarian organisation such as the Navy and an increasingly democratic society came to relate to one another. In doing so, this study outlines the background against which the discussion about the reliability and political affiliations of the fleet should be considered. Show less
The sexual behavior of people in any given society or subculture is guided by certain codes of conduct: written or unwritten rules on how to behave. Cupid on a Leash researches the different codes... Show moreThe sexual behavior of people in any given society or subculture is guided by certain codes of conduct: written or unwritten rules on how to behave. Cupid on a Leash researches the different codes of conduct that guided sexuality in Italy between c. 1450 and 1550. It identifies which codes were present for people of different genders, ages, social classes and sexual orientations. Moreover, the book examines how broadly these codes were shared within the source material, and analyzes the roots and rationalizations of their existence. A wide variety of sources, written by male as well as female authors, is used to analyze these sexual codes of conduct. These sources range from romance epics, novellas, and treatises on love, to sermons, anatomical treatises, and personal correspondence. By revealing the many, often contradictory codes of conduct guiding sexuality, Cupid on a Leash provides insight into the complexities of societal expectations in Renaissance Italy. It studies the arguments that people used to defend sexual codes of conduct, and analyzes the logic behind these arguments, seeking to explain why they were considered so important. Show less
Most European Roma and Sinti achieve such low levels of education that they have basically no chance of moving up the social ladder. This study compares the educational positions of Roma and Sinti... Show moreMost European Roma and Sinti achieve such low levels of education that they have basically no chance of moving up the social ladder. This study compares the educational positions of Roma and Sinti in the Netherlands and the Czech Republic, based on more than fifty biographical interviews with Roma and Sinti.Compared to the Netherlands, the poverty and social segregation among Czech Roma is more severe. Discrimination and racism against Czech Roma are virulent and ubiquitous. Yet, Roma and Sinti in the Netherlands have developed a similar suspicion of people outside their own circle and a similar negative attitude towards education, in response to their common history of deprivation, expulsion and even twice a genocide, in the eighteenth century and in the Second World War.Those Roma and Sinti who did receive an education were no longer seen as Roma or Sinti. This is why the highly educated did not function as role models until recently. Yet, this study shows there is a cautious turnaround. In both countries, the Roma and Sinti parents of the young generation of highly educated people, often low-educated themselves, had come to regard better education as the only way towards a better life. Show less