The central question in this book is whether there is a human right to family unification. This book identifies the key elements of the right to family unification. By investigating different... Show moreThe central question in this book is whether there is a human right to family unification. This book identifies the key elements of the right to family unification. By investigating different sources of international, European and domestic law, it assesses whether and how the different legal systems involved affect each other in shaping the right to family unification. By identifying the key elements of the right to family unification, the book can be an important source for immigration lawyers, policy makers and scholars. Show less
The thesis deals with the question as to whether international organisations could be jointly responsible for violations of international law committed by peacekeepers deployed in a peacekeeping... Show moreThe thesis deals with the question as to whether international organisations could be jointly responsible for violations of international law committed by peacekeepers deployed in a peacekeeping operation. The study starts by exploring the development of the concept of peacekeeping operations and the relations between the UN and four specific regional organisations (NATO, EU, AU and ECOWAS) on the basis of the applicable dispositions of the UN Charter. This examination as well as the following analysis of relations among these organisations, illustrate the evolution of a division of labour and an increase of cooperation between the UN and these organisations. It justifies the formulation of a presumption that international organisations could be jointly responsible as well as the formulation of a new criterion of attribution (normative control). The case-studies of specific peacekeeping operations confirm that in certain circumstances the UN and regional organisations have to be considered jointly responsible. Show less
Without press freedom a constitutional democracy cannot function properly, to the extent that the degree of press freedom becomes an indicator of the level of democracy in a particular country.... Show moreWithout press freedom a constitutional democracy cannot function properly, to the extent that the degree of press freedom becomes an indicator of the level of democracy in a particular country. This socio-legal study aims to clarify how the concepts of freedom of expression and press freedom have evolved in Indonesian law; how press freedom as one of the main pillars of constitutional democracy has been guaranteed or curbed by the Indonesian legal system; how press freedom has been shaped in practice; and how this can be evaluated from a rule of law perspective. The research found press freedom in Indonesia is still under pressure, despite the demise of Soeharto’s authoritarian New Order regime in 1998. Decentralised model of governance during ‘Reformasi’ has led to new types of attacks on the press. Extra-judicial killings, physical violence, bringing criminal or civil claims against journalists and impunity of those perpetrating such acts have made it difficult for many journalists to conduct their work in a proper manner and without fear. Hence, there is still a pattern of legal and non-legal attacks against the press. The research has found that from colonial times until the present Indonesia has struggled with press freedom. Show less
Borders define jurisdictions. To uphold borders is to claim jurisdiction; to claim the right to decide on the law. The nation state makes such a claim. It seeks jurisdiction over a particular... Show moreBorders define jurisdictions. To uphold borders is to claim jurisdiction; to claim the right to decide on the law. The nation state makes such a claim. It seeks jurisdiction over a particular territory. By implication, the nation state also acknowledges that other jurisdictions may apply beyond that territory. Borders work two-ways, and while they grant the nation state exclusive jurisdiction, they also limit the nation state’s claims to the designated territory. Supranationalism and multiculturalism undermine the idea of exclusive territorial jurisdiction. Supranationalism grants institutions the power to break through national borders and to overrule the nation state’s territorial arrangements. In this way, borders become increasingly porous. Multiculturalism, meanwhile, not only deligitimizes the nation state’s borders by weakening the collective identity of the people living behind them; it also encourages religious sub-groups to invoke rules from beyond the nation state’s borders, thereby undermining the very idea of territorial jurisdiction. ‘God’s heart has no borders’, to put it bluntly. Supranationalism and multiculturalism are thus antithetical to national sovereignty and to the borders therein implied. Supranationalism dilutes sovereignty, and so brings about the gradual dismantling of borders from the outside; multiculturalism weakens nationality, thus delegitimizing their existence altogether from the inside. !e idea of political organization that fundamentally opposes supranationalism and multiculturalism – the idea of the nation state – has been declared ‘outdated’ and ‘irrelevant’ by an overwhelming number of commentators. Yet while supranationalism and multiculturalism have dominated politics and academia over the last several decades, their popularity is questionable and debates about national identity divide most European countries at present. Show less
Moeliono heeft gekeken naar de ruimtelijke ordening, op papier en in de praktijk. Hij vraagt zich af of de Indonesische wetgeving burgers voldoende beschermt tegen onrechtmatig optreden van de... Show moreMoeliono heeft gekeken naar de ruimtelijke ordening, op papier en in de praktijk. Hij vraagt zich af of de Indonesische wetgeving burgers voldoende beschermt tegen onrechtmatig optreden van de overheid. Dat blijkt helaas niet het geval. De lokale overheid is eenzijdig gericht op economische groei en voert een weinig consistent beleid op het gebied van ruimtelijke ordening. Bovendien blijkt de wetgeving niet eenduidig te zijn, wanneer burgers verdreven dreigen te worden en voor hun rechten willen opkomen. Vergunningen In praktijk vormen vergunningen het belangrijkste beleidsinstrument voor het grondgebruik. Bovenop de bestuursstructuur, gedecentraliseerd na de val van Soeharto, is nu een top-down planningsmechanisme gelegd. Verwarring alom. Ambtenaren bepalen tot in detail wat wel en wat niet mag, zonder daarbij veel aandacht te schenken aan de lokale bevolking. Zelfs als de vergunningverlening duidelijk in strijd is met de regels, is het moeilijk te achterhalen bij welke instantie je verhaal kunt halen. Moeliono’s case studies van West-Java en Bandung leveren zo een somber beeld op van de ruimtelijke ordening. Die zou alleen kunnen verbeteren door de wetgeving grondig te herzien en de bestuurspraktijk te veranderen. Show less
The object of the study concerns the assessment of non-pecuniary damages (pain and suffering). Non-pecuniary damage cannot be computed in any way whatsoever. The law meanwhile demands rulings on... Show moreThe object of the study concerns the assessment of non-pecuniary damages (pain and suffering). Non-pecuniary damage cannot be computed in any way whatsoever. The law meanwhile demands rulings on non-pecuniary damages to be consistent although no two cases are (entirely) the same. The author would prefer a court faced with the issue of the extent of the actual non-pecuniary damage to focus on the amounts in non-pecuniary damage laid down in a Judge-made regulation, the product of judicial cooperation or coordination. The author understands coordination to mean any activity geared towards harmonizing the judicial and/or extrajudicial determination of non-pecuniary damages. A judge-made regulation could avert the risk of incoherence between court rulings and inefficiency. A risk that lies both in the inherent arbitrariness attached to the translation of non-pecuniary damage into financial compensation for such damage, and in the related risk of arbitrariness that is imminent as the legislator the Supreme Court and the Courts of Appeal give few directions about the desirable amounts and method of determination of non-pecuniary damages by other courts. Show less
This thesis is concerned with the legal framework surrounding the improper use and monopolization of signs with a high symbolic value or symbols. Central questions are: how does Dutch law look upon... Show moreThis thesis is concerned with the legal framework surrounding the improper use and monopolization of signs with a high symbolic value or symbols. Central questions are: how does Dutch law look upon signs that many of us regard as essential or sacred in our personal lives or our society, and: does this law presently stand where it should? The book discerns between (i) national and international symbols, (ii) cultural and historical symbols, (iii) religious symbols. The study deals with two main groups of issues that to a large extent make up the relationship between symbols and the law: (1) questions surrounding the rules for their use including legal responses to their improper use, and (2) questions with regard to their monopolization. Both parts together tell one story about assertions of right and wrong with regard to symbols Show less
