Het proefschrift is feitelijk een bestuurskundig vervolg op het bestuurshistorische boek ‘Betwist bestuur – Wijkraden en deelgemeenten in Rotterdam’ (2017) van dezelfde auteur. In het proefschrift... Show moreHet proefschrift is feitelijk een bestuurskundig vervolg op het bestuurshistorische boek ‘Betwist bestuur – Wijkraden en deelgemeenten in Rotterdam’ (2017) van dezelfde auteur. In het proefschrift is een uitvoerige samenvatting van dit boek opgenomen.In beide geschriften wordt vooral het bestuurlijk besluitvormingsproces inzake binnengemeentelijke territoriale decentralisatie van bestuur in Rotterdam beschreven, zoals vormgegeven door de Rotterdamse gemeenteraad en het college van burgemeester en wethouders. Meer concreet gaat het om de politiek-bestuurlijke besluitvorming op ‘de Coolsingel’ betreffende de instelling van wijkraden en deelgemeenten in Rotterdam tussen 1947 en 2014. In dat laatste jaar werden de deelgemeenten in Rotterdam en Amsterdam door een wijziging van de Gemeentewet opgeheven.In het proefschrift wordt de empirie, zoals beschreven in het boek ‘Betwist bestuur’ uit 2017, aan een bestuurskundige heranalyse onderworpen. Dit geschiedt aan de hand van drie bestuurskundige modellen om complexe besluitvormingsprocessen te reconstrueren: het fasenmodel, het stromenmodel en het rondenmodel. Door de bestuurskundige heranalyse komt met name de proceskant van het bestuurlijke besluitvormingsproces over decentraal bestuur in Rotterdam scherper in beeld. Succes- en faalfactoren om het primaire beleidsdoel – het beter betrekken van de Rotterdammers bij het bestuur van de gemeente en van delen daarvan – te bereiken, kunnen beter worden herkend. Show less
There are approximately 400 companies in the Netherlands that handle large quantities of hazardous substances (Brzo companies). They pose a major risk of damage to people, the environment, movable... Show moreThere are approximately 400 companies in the Netherlands that handle large quantities of hazardous substances (Brzo companies). They pose a major risk of damage to people, the environment, movable and immovable property. Since 1945 there have been 172 dead and 1719 wounded in the Netherlands.The government has a responsibility to ensure that the Brzo companies comply with legislation and regulations (compliance). Important instruments that the government can use are legislation, supervision and enforcement.In order to determine the current state of the quality of the government's implementation of this task, a study was conducted with the central research question: Is the quality of the current supervision and enforcement by the government such that the companies large quantities of hazardous substances are brought into compliance with legislation and regulations? A qualitative case study was chosen among five collaborating government supervisors. Document analysis and semi-structured interviews were used as research methods in these cases. A conceptual model has been drawn up.The study leads to the conclusion that Brzo supervision is in order quantitatively, but is sub-optimal in terms of quality. Show less
Why do people become active in Dutch far-right extremist (FRE) movements (active between 2015 and 2018), why do they stay active and to what extent does this correspond with the existing body of... Show moreWhy do people become active in Dutch far-right extremist (FRE) movements (active between 2015 and 2018), why do they stay active and to what extent does this correspond with the existing body of literature? Based on 36 life-history interviews with far-right extremists and the existing body of knowledge, this dissertation indicates five different routes of entry: Thrill Seekers, Political Seekers, Justice Seekers, Social Seekers and Ideological Seekers.Although the four prominent theories that have sought to explain why people become involved in FRE (the Authoritarian Personality, social identity theory, grievance theories and the social movement theory) have shortcomings, the observations on which these theories were based are still valid. These theories in themselves are not an all-encompassing explanation. However, when they are regarded as complementary, especially when enhanced by insights from leading empirical research, a structural contribution can be made with regard to answering the question as to why people become active within FRE movements. Only then can researchers systematically investigate and back up plausible hypotheses with evidence. Show less
In this PhD-research, the main question addressed is whether or not conspiracy constructions are boosting hatred against the political system - and if conspiracy constructions could prompt... Show more In this PhD-research, the main question addressed is whether or not conspiracy constructions are boosting hatred against the political system - and if conspiracy constructions could prompt violent actions against politicians, institutions or symbols of the political system. Based on research into digital communities in which conspiracy constructions flourish, the research concludes that conspiracy constructions function as substitute ideologies and substitute religions in a post-political setting. Offering a clear master narrative of 'Us' and 'Them', and making a complex world eligible again, conspiracy constructions function as coded social critiques informing those who feel alienated, neglected and betrayed by the political establishment. However, as conspiracy constructions neglect real social and political opposites, cleavages and antagonisms that divide each society and construct a fictitious homogeneous 'People', the political mobilizing potential of conspiracy constructions is almost absent. Notwithstanding the violent and hateful discourse on social media one should not exaggerate the risks in terms of national security. The popularity of conspiracy constructions and the hateful discourse against the political system signals foremost powerlessness, despair and resentment that finds an outlet on social media. Show less
Does society need armed forces? If so, what form should they take and what position should they hold in a democratic society? Critical conscripts, conscientious objectors, professional soldiers,... Show moreDoes society need armed forces? If so, what form should they take and what position should they hold in a democratic society? Critical conscripts, conscientious objectors, professional soldiers, civilians and antimilitarists posed these questions during the Cold War. This study investigates their criticism of and protest against the armed forces and national security and defense policy in the Netherlands between 1945 and 1989. It first examines how and why the critics of the armed forces questioned its form and existence. Secondly, this study looks into the Ministry of Defense's reaction to these critics. It explores how the ministry interpreted and responded to criticism and protest. The main question of this study is to what extent did the ministry believe that the criticism undermined the armed forces' legitimacy? Show less
