It is 26 August 2015, a crucial day during the Conference of State Parties in Cancún, Mexico. 67 of the 69 member states of the Arms Trade Treaty vote for a location of the new Secretariat. Three... Show moreIt is 26 August 2015, a crucial day during the Conference of State Parties in Cancún, Mexico. 67 of the 69 member states of the Arms Trade Treaty vote for a location of the new Secretariat. Three possible host states are bidding: Austria (Vienna), Switzerland (Geneva), and Trinidad and Tobago (Port of Spain). In the first round, Trinidad and Tobago wins with 32 votes; Vienna leaves the stage with only 14 votes. Switzerland wins the second round with 35 votes, versus 32 for Trinidad and Tobago. What did Switzerland and host city Geneva do right? What did the others do wrong – if anything?This book is about how governance networks in host cities attract International Organizations (IOs), and about how and why they fail or succeed. Scholars in the field of governance and public policy often agree that better policy alignment and cooperation in networks increase the chances of success. Yet, the findings of this study contradict this. Considering the interests of IOs proved to be more important than having matters ‘in order’ internally. Show less
There is no clear view on how accountability is organised in the context of transgovernmental networks. In literature there is predominant view that accountability is threatened by the existence of... Show moreThere is no clear view on how accountability is organised in the context of transgovernmental networks. In literature there is predominant view that accountability is threatened by the existence of transgovernmental networks. This dissertation takes a micro-level approach by focusing on participants of transgovernmental networks, to understand the dynamics of accountability in this setting. This dissertation makes use of theory building and testing. A theoretical model links the function and governance style of a transgovernmental network to the type of accountability that can be expected. Four distinct empirical cases show that there is a link between the level of formalisation of a governance style and the extent of control. Moreover, this research shows that the function of a transgovernmental network is indicative for the source of control. Show less
Malaysia’s foreign policy change toward China amid Najib Razak’s kleptocracy case raises a broader theoretical question: How is the effect of kleptocracy on foreign policy change mediated by the... Show moreMalaysia’s foreign policy change toward China amid Najib Razak’s kleptocracy case raises a broader theoretical question: How is the effect of kleptocracy on foreign policy change mediated by the political-administrative relationship? In the case of Malaysia’s foreign economic policy, despite the presence of high-caliber bureaucrats, they were unable to stop the over-inflated loans from being signed, as well as the fire-sale of Malaysia’s Edra Energy to China. Najib Razak not only managed to exclude those bureaucrats, he even included his allies to propose those loans from China, which ended up being used to bail out the 1MDB debt. This was also the case in Malaysia’s foreign defense policy changes. Despite the Navy’s plan to build the LMSs domestically, the kleptocrats purchased them from China instead. In fact, Najib even tasked his 1MDB ally Jho Low to directly negotiate the first-ever Chinese attack submarine port calls in Malaysia, and excluding the top military bureaucrats altogether. Accordingly, this research provides an insight into the dynamics of foreign policy-making in the case of kleptocracy that can be reflected on by other smaller powers around the globe, in the face of the US–China rivalry in the 21st century and beyond. Show less
Moving direct citizen participation away from the townhouse and onto online platforms is considered to be an effective government strategy for involving a larger and more diverse group of citizens... Show moreMoving direct citizen participation away from the townhouse and onto online platforms is considered to be an effective government strategy for involving a larger and more diverse group of citizens in decision-making and thereby making participation more inclusive. However, this claim is not yet supported by evidence, and neither has it been explored whether and how government can design online platforms that are more likely to attract participants from diverse groups. To fill this gap, this dissertation explores how the design of online participation platforms influences the inclusivity of online direct participation.In this dissertation, administrative and digital trace data are used to evaluate inclusivity in online participation, and through a field experiment it is established that design choices can indeed affect who participates. To make impactful design choices, it is necessary to understand what factors influence whether citizens participate in online platforms. By studying intentions to participate from the perspective of citizens, this dissertation finds that influential beliefs in the participation decision vary for citizens from diverse sociodemographic groups. These insights help to explain why online platforms do not solve all issues for inclusivity in direct participation, and provide suggestions for design choices that may activate harder to reach groups. Show less
This research revealed the role of leaders in relation to incident prevention in organisations. The acquired data showed that Dominance-oriented leaders have a negative influence on safety.... Show moreThis research revealed the role of leaders in relation to incident prevention in organisations. The acquired data showed that Dominance-oriented leaders have a negative influence on safety. Relation-oriented leaders appeared to be friendly people with no real influence on safety. Production-oriented leaders are real achievers, committed to meeting production targets. A new character emerged during our research: the Process-oriented leader. This leader proved a dedicated safety minded leader, who fulfils his production duties in a responsible way, taking care of the reliability of production without compromising the safety of his team members. Also, we developed a Risk Reduction Cycle, showing the risk reduction process. This model revealed that the recognition of risks and implementation of remedial actions are the weakest links. In conclusion, we argue that this research revealed that the effectiveness of incident prevention depends predominantly on the individual behaviour of their leaders. Consequently, in order to foster Process-oriented Safety Leadership, we recommend not to focus on operational safety practices to be carried out by the workforce. Instead, we deliberately emphasise the influential power of their leaders, and propose a set of Process-oriented Safety Leadership Principles, directed at the board room level of organisations and three external parties. Show less
This PhD investigates the development of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, with a particular focus on the distinction between terrorism and insurgency. The findings have been published in five peer... Show moreThis PhD investigates the development of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, with a particular focus on the distinction between terrorism and insurgency. The findings have been published in five peer-reviewed articles, and are joined by an introductory framework and a concluding chapter. The scene-setter contextualizes the problem of terrorism in Mali, describes the fragmented landscape of jihadist groups, analyzes how Tuareg separatism led to AQIM's control of northern Mali, and illustrates how shortcomings in national and local governance fueled insecurity. The second conceptual article analyzed whether AQIM should be regarded as terrorism, insurgency or organized crime, and concluded that - at the time of writing (2016) - most indicators pointed to the group following a strategy of terrorism. A treatise on methodology investigated the discrepancy between the international community's perception of Mali pre-2012 as a stable 'posterboy for democracy', while it was Mali that suffered a near-complete collapse in 2012. It concluded that a quantitative risk approach, rather than a qualitative threat approach, contributed to this misperception. The fourth article applied the first trinity from Clausewitz’s opus On War to Operation Serval, the French military operation to oust AQIM from northern Mali in 2013. Clear political goals, contingency planning, an audacious military operation combined with luck all helped France secure an initial victory against AQIM. The final article focused on potential pathways for AQIM to end, and concluded that in 2021 AQIM followed a strategy of insurgency, while much of the international response remained rooted in the paradigm of counterterrorism. Show less
In the past years, Mali has experienced an unprecedented rise in terrorism. After twenty years of relative peace, the country was shaken to its core in 2012 when a Tuareg-led rebellion overthrew... Show moreIn the past years, Mali has experienced an unprecedented rise in terrorism. After twenty years of relative peace, the country was shaken to its core in 2012 when a Tuareg-led rebellion overthrew the government and the northern parts of the country quickly turned into a safe haven for terrorist groups including Al Qaeda and - in later years - the Islamic State. From 2012 to 2022, a country that was once considered a prime example of African democracy, has been faced with a rapidly downward cycle in terms of stability and security. In the past three years alone, the military staged two coups and Mali is now ruled by a military regime. Two major military and political interventions by the French, operations Serval and Barkhane, the multiple efforts of ECOWAS, and a large UN-mission to the country, MINUSMA, were not able to turn the tide. In a country where it is already a challenge to draw clear lines between the multitude of terrorist, separatist, guerilla and auto-defense groups, it is even more difficult to understand how individuals become involved in terrorist groups. Seeking the answer to that question is the central aim of this study. Based on extensive research among policymakers, prison staff, the international community and those accused and/or sentenced for terrorism, this thesis conducts a multilevel analysis of the process of involvement in terrorism in Mali. The findings suggest that group-level factors including peer pressure, group think, societal tensions and fusion of values were best able to shed light on how individuals become involved with terrorist groups. Especially the relationship between citizens and the state turned out to be an important factor, with prisoners arguing they do not recognize the ruling elite, foreign actors or the borders of the country as they are drawn. With the combination of access to and analysis of unique primary source material, this study offers a nuanced and empirically grounded contribution to the academic and societal debate on terrorism involvement in Mali - with wider implications for the West-African context. While taking into account the inherently subjective nature of narratives, this thesis provides us with a better understanding of why individuals become terrorists given the specific cultural, historical and geographical context within which they have shared their stories. Show less
There are approximately 400 companies in the Netherlands that handle large quantities of hazardous substances (Brzo companies). They pose a major risk of damage to people, the environment, movable... Show moreThere are approximately 400 companies in the Netherlands that handle large quantities of hazardous substances (Brzo companies). They pose a major risk of damage to people, the environment, movable and immovable property. Since 1945 there have been 172 dead and 1719 wounded in the Netherlands.The government has a responsibility to ensure that the Brzo companies comply with legislation and regulations (compliance). Important instruments that the government can use are legislation, supervision and enforcement.In order to determine the current state of the quality of the government's implementation of this task, a study was conducted with the central research question: Is the quality of the current supervision and enforcement by the government such that the companies large quantities of hazardous substances are brought into compliance with legislation and regulations? A qualitative case study was chosen among five collaborating government supervisors. Document analysis and semi-structured interviews were used as research methods in these cases. A conceptual model has been drawn up.The study leads to the conclusion that Brzo supervision is in order quantitatively, but is sub-optimal in terms of quality. Show less
Online radicalisation has been highlighted by policymakers, the media, and academics as a top security priority in recent years. This thesis unpacks the concept by empirically analysing 201 Islamic... Show moreOnline radicalisation has been highlighted by policymakers, the media, and academics as a top security priority in recent years. This thesis unpacks the concept by empirically analysing 201 Islamic State terrorist actors in the US, discerning their pathways into their eventual activity and assesses the role of the Internet. The findings suggest that that while the Internet is ubiquitous, the online domain does not seem to be replacing face-to-face interactions, nor do terrorists that act online demonstrate substantially different experiences to those that do not. In fact, using the Internet may be a hindrance, rather than a help, to would-be terrorists.The findings also posit three interrelated radicalisation dynamics: Firstly, the consumption of propaganda is part of an ongoing socialisation process in which individuals take to social media to play out a staged authenticity to their peers. Secondly, an examination of the female terrorists shows that many use the Internet to circumvent gender restrictions and instead carve out a radical identity for themselves. Finally, the Internet can act as a “buyers’ market” of limitless information in which would-be terrorists can fulfil their needs in a space with fewer restrictions or constraints. The thesis concludes by outlining its contributions to the academic literature at the empirical, theoretical, and policy-level. Show less
The aim of this dissertation was to provide insight in interethnic prejudice of children in the Netherlands and attitudes and ideologies that they are exposed to through two socialization agents:... Show moreThe aim of this dissertation was to provide insight in interethnic prejudice of children in the Netherlands and attitudes and ideologies that they are exposed to through two socialization agents: parents and children’s books. Specifically attitudes and ideologies based on intergroup contact theories and diversity ideologies were of interest. This dissertation is a first step in examining the basis for applying prejudice-reducing theories based on social learning theory to the specific multi-ethnic Dutch context. Overall, results show that interethnic prejudice is found in various forms among young children in the Netherlands. Furthermore, intergroup contact approaches to improve children’s interethnic attitudes may face some obstacles, as results show that parents might be more or less willing to facilitate interethnic contact with different ethnic groups, intergroup contact effects are not always found, and ethnic diversity and thus indirect contact opportunities in popular books for children are somewhat limited. Furthermore, results show that multiculturalist rather than colorblind diversity approaches can benefit interethnic attitudes of children in dominant ethnic groups, but that the latter are prevailing in popular children’s books. This dissertation can help move both research and the development of practical programs on improving interethnic attitudes among children in the Netherlands forward. Show less
Interest groups are often described as transmission belts that connect the preferences of their members with public officials in policymaking processes. Through this linkage, public officials can... Show moreInterest groups are often described as transmission belts that connect the preferences of their members with public officials in policymaking processes. Through this linkage, public officials can obtain relevant information and gain legitimacy from those affected by public policies. However, this important intermediary function is not a straightforward endeavor as interest groups often struggle to reconcile their dual function of representing their members while being politically active. This dissertation unpacks interest groups mobilized at the European Union level and examines how they are organized so as to function as transmission belts. Subsequently, it analyzes the effects of this transmissive role for the level of access and influence obtained by groups in policymaking processes. The findings shed light on the difficult task of groups in balancing member involvement while being politically active and the implications for the legitimacy of our governance systems. Show less
Western Europe has been confronted with several terrorist attacks over the past years. This dissertation investigates what happens after such attacks. Scholars emphasise that terrorism is not just... Show moreWestern Europe has been confronted with several terrorist attacks over the past years. This dissertation investigates what happens after such attacks. Scholars emphasise that terrorism is not just about killing, as terrorists want to capture the attention of the audience. Yet, what these audiences do after attacks has remained understudied. This dissertation looks into the meaning-making process after jihadist attacks in Brussels, Nice, Berlin and Manchester (2016-2017). The study focuses on two core actors groups - the authorities and citizens - and the use of frames, rituals and symbols. Special attention is paid to the first day, the first week and the first anniversary of the attack, for which the author has visited the commemorations. Overall, this dissertation shows how terrorism is not a successful communication strategy. After performing the opening acts, the terrorists are quickly pushed off stage, doomed to stand behind the curtains and watch a different play unfold. Show less
This thesis explains the dynamics and nature of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq’s (KRI) de facto statehood since its inception in 1991, in particular the vicissitudes de facto independence since then.... Show moreThis thesis explains the dynamics and nature of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq’s (KRI) de facto statehood since its inception in 1991, in particular the vicissitudes de facto independence since then. This dissertation characterises de facto statehood in Kurdistan, and uncovers the dynamics of de facto statehood in Iraqi Kurdistan at internal, national and international levels. Kurdistan’s de facto statehood (such as territorial control, monopoly on the use of violence, and engagement with the international community) is shown to be inherently characterised by fluidity. In this thesis, fluidity is defined as a highly unstable nature of de facto statehood in the relational context of non-recognition. The dissertation reports on interviews with a number of high profile politicians and policy makers from the region to provide unique insights, among others the three main factors at play in the fluidity of the de facto state of Iraqi Kurdistan: the balance of power between the regional capital of Erbil and the Iraqi national capital of Baghdad; the level and form of internal fragmentation; and the change of strategies to gain international recognition. Show less
Why do people become active in Dutch far-right extremist (FRE) movements (active between 2015 and 2018), why do they stay active and to what extent does this correspond with the existing body of... Show moreWhy do people become active in Dutch far-right extremist (FRE) movements (active between 2015 and 2018), why do they stay active and to what extent does this correspond with the existing body of literature? Based on 36 life-history interviews with far-right extremists and the existing body of knowledge, this dissertation indicates five different routes of entry: Thrill Seekers, Political Seekers, Justice Seekers, Social Seekers and Ideological Seekers.Although the four prominent theories that have sought to explain why people become involved in FRE (the Authoritarian Personality, social identity theory, grievance theories and the social movement theory) have shortcomings, the observations on which these theories were based are still valid. These theories in themselves are not an all-encompassing explanation. However, when they are regarded as complementary, especially when enhanced by insights from leading empirical research, a structural contribution can be made with regard to answering the question as to why people become active within FRE movements. Only then can researchers systematically investigate and back up plausible hypotheses with evidence. Show less
All conflict settlements involve a ceasefire, but not all ceasefires help settle conflicts. Despite the multifaceted – and often critical – role of ceasefires in intrastate conflicts, we know... Show moreAll conflict settlements involve a ceasefire, but not all ceasefires help settle conflicts. Despite the multifaceted – and often critical – role of ceasefires in intrastate conflicts, we know surprisingly little about them. In particular, we lack a systematic understanding of how state and non-state actors use ceasefires as part of a larger military or political process. This thesis seeks to shed light on the use of ceasefires as bargaining instruments and on how they shape the trajectory of a conflict. It investigates when and why conflict party leaders use what types of ceasefires, and how this affects progress in peace negotiations. The thesis consists of four parts. Part one introduces the analytical framework that guides the theory building and discusses the literature and research design. Part two investigates when, how and why battlefield dynamics affect progress towards a negotiated conflict settlement. Part three shows how, over the course of a bargaining process, the strategic goal of conflict party leaders evolves, and how this evolving goal drives the design of a ceasefire. Part four summarizes the findings and discusses their implications for our understanding of ceasefires as an integral part of the transition from war to peace. The theoretical and empirical contributions of this thesis demonstrate how, far from interrupting the bargaining process, ceasefires can fulfill important bargaining functions that shift over the course of a conflict. Show less
This dissertation argues that civil society actors have engaged in Eastern Nile politics despite the dominance of states and intergovernmental organisations. There are different characteristics of... Show moreThis dissertation argues that civil society actors have engaged in Eastern Nile politics despite the dominance of states and intergovernmental organisations. There are different characteristics of civil engagement in Nile politics. There are structured organisations including non-governmental organisations and think tanks, others act through initiatives and loosely structured arrangements such as diaspora groups and youth-based initiatives. The analysis of this dissertation focuses on transnational activities of civil society actors in the Eastern Nile Basin countries: Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia. It investigates how an intergovernmental organisation (the Nile Basin Initiative) interacts with different civil society actors (e.g. the Nile Basin Discourse). Network analysis has been applied to understand interconnections among civil society actors on the one hand and relations with national governments and donor agencies on the other hand. Several interviews have been conducted in Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia with a variety of actors to discern their positions on the issues and connections with other actors. The research findings show a clustered network as civil society actors operating in small groups rather than covering the whole Eastern Nile Basin. The network has this feature because the majority of organised civil society actors employ depoliticized activities, such as capacity building programs, water service provision and awareness raising. Nevertheless, unstructured civil society activism (e.g. diaspora groups and anti-dam movements) has been able to contest water policies and projects as determined on national levels. The research shows civil society actors often take similar positions as their respective governments regarding contested politics (e.g. water shares), despite the fact that they may conduct joint activities with other civil society actors in transnational networks across the Eastern Nile Basin. But enhanced patterns of civil society engagement and transnational patterns of collaboration could constitute a counterweight to nationally determined agendas that often lead to clashing visions on water governance in the region and among the riparian communities. Show less
Permanent Change? The Paths of Change of the European Security OrganizationsIn recent years, the post-war multilateral system and the European security architecture, containing the OSCE, NATO and... Show morePermanent Change? The Paths of Change of the European Security OrganizationsIn recent years, the post-war multilateral system and the European security architecture, containing the OSCE, NATO and the EU, have come under scrutiny. However, these organizations have changed for more than seventy years and survived many crises. Hence, the focus of this research is the analysis of the paths of change, defined as broadening, widening and deepening.Though the European security organizations have been analysed more often, this research distinguishes itself by not only analysing these paths separately, but also by comparing them to one another and devoting attention to their possible interrelationship. The rationale behind this research is on the one hand the current crisis in the multilateral world order and on the other hand the absence of a coherent, theoretically inspired description and analysis of these changes.The main conclusion drawn is that the European security architecture did not result in the formerly held idea of a division of labour solely instigated by states to prevent competition and rivalry. This architecture has become a differentiated construction and changed into a hybrid architecture with complementary and even mutually interdependent organizations. Show less
In this research I assess the impact of the recently discovered gas reserves south off Cyprus on the escalation of the Cyprus conflict. I examine the ideational dynamics underpinning the conflict... Show moreIn this research I assess the impact of the recently discovered gas reserves south off Cyprus on the escalation of the Cyprus conflict. I examine the ideational dynamics underpinning the conflict-inducing role of natural resources. Theoretically motivated by the discursive shift in conflict studies, I prioritise the collectively shared meanings of the Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot opinion-leaders on the gas reserves and how these justify their conflictual strategies. To uncover these discourses, I apply Q-methodology, a research design tailor-made to ‘measure’ human subjectivity. I distinguish five distinct discourses. With respect to the Greek-Cypriot side, I identify (a) ‘gas boosting our geopolitical standing’, which highlights the sovereignty attributes of the natural resources, (b) ‘pipe-dreams and imported nationalisms’, which acknowledges the opportunistic motives behind the ‘geopolitical overtones’ of the Greek-Cypriot side and (c) ‘resentment matters’, which emphasizes the Greek-Cypriot grievances. As regards the Turkish-Cypriot side, I came across two different discourses: (e) ‘gas stimulating political equality’, where Turkish-Cypriots stress their grievances over their lack of international status and the opportunities that arise from the gas reserves discovery to reverse their international isolation and (f) ‘micro-politics’, which highlights the political opportunism of particular policymakers who capitalize on the tensions in order to serve their political careers in the face of domestic turbulence. These discourses provide a holistic framework regarding the discursive factors underpinning the conflict-inducing role of natural resources within the protracted Cyprus conflict. Show less
This dissertation studies how domestic regulatory agencies and the officials representing them are influenced by and deal with the increasingly complex transnational environments in which they have... Show moreThis dissertation studies how domestic regulatory agencies and the officials representing them are influenced by and deal with the increasingly complex transnational environments in which they have come to operate. Based on (social) network analysis it demonstrates how decisions of domestic agencies regarding standard adoption are strongly guided by decisions of regulators in other countries, particularly those to whom they are directly related through network relationships. In understanding the way in which transnational networks affect domestic agencies, we should explicitly measure the structure of relationships that constitute such networks. However, based on qualitative analysis, this thesis also demonstrates that agencies have different capacities and resources for (transnational) networking and they are likely susceptible to transnational network influences in varying degrees. The effects of transnational networks on domestic agencies are thus moderated by the way in which transnational network activities are structured and coordinated inside these agencies. Overall, given the increasing prevalence of transnational networks in various regulatory and policy sectors, this dissertation provides a basis for further theorizing about ongoing and future developments in the fields of regulatory governance and public administration. Show less
This dissertation takes an important step in understanding the phenomenon of non-take-up of social support and what it means for contemporary social policies. Even when sufficient services of... Show moreThis dissertation takes an important step in understanding the phenomenon of non-take-up of social support and what it means for contemporary social policies. Even when sufficient services of social support are being offered, it is not self-evident that all individuals who are in need of help will actually use those services. Different types of problems and barriers may inhibit their help-seeking process.Despite its apparent universality, our fundamental understanding of this non-take-up of social support is limited. This is problematic because failure to understand and effectively address non-take-up leaves social needs unattended to and will lead to higher welfare costs.To better understand the ‘how and why’ of this non-take-up, this study analyzes the lived experiences and perceptions of potential welfare clients in the Dutch municipality of The Hague. It discusses what the implications of these findings are for social policies. What can be learned from the problems and barriers that potential welfare clients experience in their daily lives? Researchers, policymakers and practitioners who work in and around the social domain may all benefit from the insights of this study. Show less
