Sinds inlichtingen- en veiligheidsdiensten en politiekorpsen gezamenlijk terrorisme bestrijden, wordt melding gemaakt van het feit dat zij in belangrijke opzichten van elkaar verschillen. De... Show moreSinds inlichtingen- en veiligheidsdiensten en politiekorpsen gezamenlijk terrorisme bestrijden, wordt melding gemaakt van het feit dat zij in belangrijke opzichten van elkaar verschillen. De politie denkt in opsporing, strafbare feiten en bewijs; inlichtingen- en veiligheidsdiensten werken onder tijdsdruk, met incomplete gegevens. In dit artikel worden die verschillen bestudeerd aan de hand van de relatie tussen de Centrale Inlichtingendienst (1919-1940) en de gemeentepolitiekorpsen in het Interbellum. De belangrijkste conclusie is dat die relatie, in tegenstelling tot wat de literatuur voorspelt, goed was. Er ontstond discussie over dreigingen, maar die lieten zich vooral verklaren door de ‘openbare orde-bril’ die de gemeentepolitiekorpsen droegen en hun worteling in de lokale praktijk. Het ‘studieuze’ bureau in Den Haag had daarentegen de blik gericht op het nationale politieke toneel en vond het informeren van gezagsdragers belangrijker dan de vraag hoe op lokaal niveau moest worden opgetreden tegen revolutionaire organisaties. Show less
Liem, M.C.A.; Buuren, G.M. van; Roy van Zuijdewijn, J.H. de; Schönberger, H.J.M.; Bakker, E. 2017
The term “Lone Actor” has been applied to a variety of violent individuals who are thought to act out of ideological motivations using terrorist tactics. So far, much of the research is U.S.-based.... Show moreThe term “Lone Actor” has been applied to a variety of violent individuals who are thought to act out of ideological motivations using terrorist tactics. So far, much of the research is U.S.-based. There is an empirical vacuum of Lone Actor violence in Europe and a conceptual gap in how these acts may be understood as a variation of homicidal behavior. We examine and compare characteristics of European Lone Actors to European “common” homicide offenders. Lone Actor terrorists constitute a heterogeneous group that is similar to homicide offenders but differs in terms of substance use, weapon use, and target. These findings may be understood in the context of instrumental versus expressive aims. Show less
This short comment gives several directions on how Bruno Frey’s ideas on a democracy of the future could be further developed. It also asks a few questions with the aim of stimulating further... Show moreThis short comment gives several directions on how Bruno Frey’s ideas on a democracy of the future could be further developed. It also asks a few questions with the aim of stimulating further discussion. Some examples are derived from the recent Turkish constitutional referendum and the current parliamentary situation in Poland. Show less
Het aantal gedetineerden met een extremistische achtergrond vormt slechts een klein deel van de totale gevangenispopulatie. Desalniettemin kunnen zij voor aanzienlijke onrust binnen de muren van de... Show moreHet aantal gedetineerden met een extremistische achtergrond vormt slechts een klein deel van de totale gevangenispopulatie. Desalniettemin kunnen zij voor aanzienlijke onrust binnen de muren van de gevangenis zorgen en kunnen hun acties serieuze gevolgen hebben. De Amerikaanse onderzoeker en oud-gevangenisbewaarder Mark Hamm (2013) spreekt dan ook treffend over ‘the Spectaculair Few’. In de discussie omtrent deze bijzondere groep gedetineerden is lange tijd de vraag geweest of zij gespreid dan wel geclusterd moeten worden vastgezet (Bovenkerk 2011b; Veldhuis e.a. 2010; Hamm 2011; Neumann 2010; Veldhuis & Kessels 2013; Veldhuis, Gordijn, Lindenberg & Veenstra 2010; Veldhuis 2015; Weggemans & De Graaf 2015). Naast het dilemma van spreiden of isoleren, staat ook hun resocialisatieproces tegenwoordig in het centrum van de aandacht (Weggemans & De Graaf 2015). In dit artikel wordt de detentie van (vermeende) terroristen verder besproken. Om te beginnen wordt, aan de hand van een korte terugblik, de huidige discussie van enig historisch perspectief voorzien. Show less
In this article, we discuss some of the recent proposals developed by Bruno Frey for making future societies more democratic and prosperous. While sharing Frey’s conviction that new ways of... Show moreIn this article, we discuss some of the recent proposals developed by Bruno Frey for making future societies more democratic and prosperous. While sharing Frey’s conviction that new ways of involving citizens in political decision-making in representative democracies are needed, we engage in debate on his proposals on voting rights, referenda and randomized decision-making. We are critical of the random selection of office-holders proposed by Frey, suggesting it may lead to alienation by citizens from the political process and would not really address the perceptional gap between elites and the broader public. Mindful of the pitfalls inherent in the increasing use of referenda, we suggest pre-referendum deliberation rather than the post-referendum conciliation proposed by Frey. Furthermore, we believe that it is almost impossible to propose good solutions without engaging the different arguments and empirical findings exploring the substantive as well as the procedural causes of democratic discontent. Show less
Naar aanleiding van de inwerkingtreding van het Besluit Adviescollege levenslanggestraften per 1 maart 2017, een eerste stap in een procedure tot tussentijdse toetsing van de levenslange... Show moreNaar aanleiding van de inwerkingtreding van het Besluit Adviescollege levenslanggestraften per 1 maart 2017, een eerste stap in een procedure tot tussentijdse toetsing van de levenslange gevangenisstraf, wordt gekeken naar de Verenigde Staten. Daar wordt de mogelijkheid tot ‘parole’, een met de tussentijdse toetsing vergelijkbaar systeem, al lange tijd toegepast. In dit artikel wordt ingegaan op de vraag welke lessen geleerd kunnen worden van de praktijk van de zogenaamde ‘Parole Board hearings’. Om deze vraag te beantwoorden wordt ingegaan op de achtergrond en werking van parole en de wijze waarin parole in de praktijk tot uitvoer wordt gebracht. Daarbij wordt aandacht besteed aan de samenstelling van Parole Boards, de invloed van nabestaanden op de parolebeslissing, het moment waarop die beslissing wordt genomen en de wijze waarop re-integratie na parole vorm krijgt. Op basis van de valkuilen die in de Amerikaanse praktijk worden aangetroffen, worden aandachtspunten voor de Nederlandse procedure geformuleerd. Show less
In light of Islamic State’s decreasing military power and growing emphasis on a decentralised operational strategy, the threat posed by foreign fighters is shifting, with some aspects becoming... Show moreIn light of Islamic State’s decreasing military power and growing emphasis on a decentralised operational strategy, the threat posed by foreign fighters is shifting, with some aspects becoming less threatening as others become more salient. This Policy Brief provides a concise outline of four main threats related to the issue of foreign fighters with the aim of clarifying the parameters of the phenomenon in its current manifestation: the travel of foreign fighters, their return to their countries of residence, the threat posed by lone actors and sympathisers who carry out attacks at home, and finally, an increasing polarisation of society. It is argued that policymakers need to take into account the second and third order effects that targeting one of these aspects may have on the others in order to effectively counter a multi-dimensional phenomenon. Show less
This article critically reviews contemporary understandings of the drivers, objectives, and the social and political distinctions of far right and Islamist extremism as reciprocal and correlative... Show moreThis article critically reviews contemporary understandings of the drivers, objectives, and the social and political distinctions of far right and Islamist extremism as reciprocal and correlative threats. While social structure and identity politics are important themes in the social science literature on the radicalisation of far right and Islamist extremist individuals and groups, there remain significant knowledge and policy gaps. Based on a discourse analysis of two related concepts, this article seeks to explain the nature of similarities and differences. As exclusivist and self-reinforcing narratives, the actions and perspectives of one group embolden the other. Policymakers need to understand far right and Islamist extremism as phenomena with shared local driving forces and impacts. This approach would also avoid duplication of effort, as well as misrecognition and insensitivity, in counterterrorism efforts. It also generates valuable political inroads into grounded notions of social cohesion. Show less
Narrative is intimately connected to victimization and radicalization. Trouble, the notion that drives narrative, is often coupled with victimization: the experience of suffering intentional harm.... Show moreNarrative is intimately connected to victimization and radicalization. Trouble, the notion that drives narrative, is often coupled with victimization: the experience of suffering intentional harm. This experience can play a turning point in the stories that radicals construct about their own lives and thus play a role in their pathway to radicalization. In this article, three main themes of narrative will be further explored in relation to victimization and radicalization: identity, emotions, and culture. Central in this article is the discussion on how narrative can contribute to theory and research into victimological processes in radicalization, while offering new means to further develop key constructs. Show less
An important debate on the impact of digitization on diplomatic practice is currently taking place in most of the world's diplomatic services and beyond. Western perspectives do however dominate... Show moreAn important debate on the impact of digitization on diplomatic practice is currently taking place in most of the world's diplomatic services and beyond. Western perspectives do however dominate writings on the subject and there is scope for importing new theoretical notions into these discussions. This article on digital diplomacy aims to show that South Korea's practices harmonize well with insights from new media theory, and that both inform this debate. New media theory advocates the examination of the new digital environment in which diplomatic interactions are unfolding, and it articulates the politics behind digital technology. We argue that existing, ‘analogue’ diplomacy is not merely superimposed onto technologies now shaping an environment that is facilitating digitally native practices. The debate on digital diplomacy can equally benefit from analysis of the experiences of South Korea. Technological development and innovation impact on the sphere of foreign policy, to the extent that ‘becoming technological’ has turned into an important Korean export asset. We briefly review four ways in which South Korea applied technology to diplomacy. Our analysis concludes with general recommendations for diplomatic practitioners across the world, particularly those who still look at new technologies, including social media, as mere open and freely available ‘services’. Show less
While the study of victimology and radicalization mainly focuses on those who suffered from terrorist attacks, this article explores the role of victimological processes in deradicalization.... Show moreWhile the study of victimology and radicalization mainly focuses on those who suffered from terrorist attacks, this article explores the role of victimological processes in deradicalization. Experts from different international deradicalization initiatives were interviewed. Using the narrative framework with its three key concepts—identity, emotion, and culture—as set forth by Pemberton and Aarten in this issue, the relationship between victimization and deradicalization is more thoroughly examined. Key findings include the delicacy of the term “victim” in radicals’ narrative identity, the power of narrative in triggering and transmitting emotions, and the importance of a former radical that acknowledges the narratives of the radical and offers alternative narratives to their radicalized ideologies. Show less
The article explores how changed patterns of UN membership affected the prospects for UN Security Council institutional reform. First, we outline a theoretical framework based on path dependency,... Show moreThe article explores how changed patterns of UN membership affected the prospects for UN Security Council institutional reform. First, we outline a theoretical framework based on path dependency, veto player analysis and social choice theory. Second, we offer calculations of decision probability and show that a higher voting threshold lowers chances of winning coalitions in a non-linear fashion. Third, we explore the specific decision-making procedures for UNSC reform and which actors can block reform. We conclude that not only diverging preferences, but that hurdles established early on combined with membership growth have ‘locked in’ the current institutional arrangement. Show less
Because the legitimacy of political authorities exists only in the eyes of citizens, this study investigates which criteria citizens use to decide that an authority is legitimate. By comparing... Show moreBecause the legitimacy of political authorities exists only in the eyes of citizens, this study investigates which criteria citizens use to decide that an authority is legitimate. By comparing ideas about what makes political authorities legitimate, this study in five European democracies and hybrid regimes illuminates the ‘demand side of political legitimacy’. Using original student survey data, this article compares expectations of students from the Netherlands, France, Poland, Ukraine, and Russia about how political authorities should acquire the right to rule and how they ought to behave when in office. The analysis shows that the respondents across the five countries use similar criteria for granting legitimacy. Across the five countries, throughput and input were more important criteria for legitimacy than the output produced by authorities. Although several country differences were found, these differences did not align with regime type. The findings challenge the widespread view that what kind of authorities people consider legitimate is determined by their socialization in a particular political regime. Show less
This article focuses on the role of government in relation to cybersecurity. Traditionally, cybersecurity was primarily seen as a technical issue. In recent years, governments have realised that... Show moreThis article focuses on the role of government in relation to cybersecurity. Traditionally, cybersecurity was primarily seen as a technical issue. In recent years, governments have realised that they, too, have a stake in securing the Internet. In their attempts to grapple with cybersecurity, governments often turn to technical solutions to ‘code away’ illegal or undesired behaviours. ‘Techno-regulation’ has become popular because it may seem to be an effective and cheap way of increasing control over end users’ behaviours and increasing cybersecurity. In this article, we will explain why using techno-regulation has significant downsides and, therefore, why it may be unwise to use it as a dominant regulatory strategy for securing the Internet. We argue that other regulatory strategies ought to be considered as well, most importantly: trust. The second part of this article explains that trust can be used as an implicit strategy to increase cybersecurity or as an explicit mechanism for the same goal. Show less
Victims’ perspectives on justice in the aftermath of crime are a key victimological topic. The main justice concepts that have received scholarly victimological attention are retributive justice,... Show moreVictims’ perspectives on justice in the aftermath of crime are a key victimological topic. The main justice concepts that have received scholarly victimological attention are retributive justice, value restoration and procedural justice. In this paper, we argue that the so-called Big Two framework – agency and communion – can further help us understand victims’ experiences with justice. Agency refers to a person striving for individuality, while communion refers to the participation of the individual in and connection with a group. According to the framework outlined in this paper, we argue that victimization by crime involves an impaired sense of agency and communion, and justice can be viewed as an attempt to repair both these dimensions. Retributive justice is a prominent means to repair agency, but other options to do so are also open to the victim. A similar observation can be made about value restoration with respect to communion. Acknowledging this can be of particular importance in cases where no offender is apprehended. As to procedural justice, the framework emphasizes the need to distinguish process participation as a means to re-establish agency from participation to re-establish communion with representatives of society. Show less
Gedurende de avond van 13 november 2015 vindt een reeks van moorddadige aanslagen plaats in Parijs. Tijdens de aanslagen vallen 130 doden en 350 gewonden. Amper enkel maanden later, op 22 maart... Show moreGedurende de avond van 13 november 2015 vindt een reeks van moorddadige aanslagen plaats in Parijs. Tijdens de aanslagen vallen 130 doden en 350 gewonden. Amper enkel maanden later, op 22 maart 2016, vinden in Brussel twee bomaanslagen plaats. Hier worden 35 dodelijk slachtoffers en 340 gewonden genoteerd. Tussen beide aanslagenreeksen zijn verschillende verbindende elementen. Eén hiervan is zonder enige twijfel de betrokkenheid van verdachten afkomstig uit de Brusselse gemeente Molenbeek. In dit artikel willen we ingaan op de centrale vraag waarom precies Molenbeek zo’n centrale plaats inneemt in het terreurdossier en op welke wijze hieraan kan geremedieerd worden? Een eerste deel beschrijft de gemeente Molenbeek als zodanig en de radicaliseringstendensen die zich gedurende de voorafgaande jaren voordeden in deze Brusselse gemeente. Er zal vastgesteld worden dat Molenbeek een “verwonde” gemeente werd gedurende het afgelopen decennium, die bij herhaling met het radicaliseringsprobleem werd geconfronteerd en in een neerwaartse spiraal terechtkwam. Nochtans zal opgemerkt worden dat niet zozeer het recherche- en gerechtelijk apparaat faalde in de strijd tegen het terrorisme. Bij herhaling werden immers grote groepen verdachten voor de rechter gebracht en veroordeeld. Het zal echter blijken dat dit niet heeft kunnen verhinderen dat een aantal onder hen verder radicaliseerde en betrokken raakten bij terreurdaden. De stelling die hier wordt verdedigd is dan ook dat niet zozeer het gerechtelijk kader faalde, maar dat alleen dit aspect onvoldoende was. Het is het bestuurlijk kader dat te gebrekkig werkte om radicalisering tegen te houden. In het tweede deel wordt een structurele diagnose gemaakt van de bestuurlijke context waarbinnen Molenbeek binnen het Brussels Hoofdstedelijk Gewest functioneert en hoe de politiële aanpak hier al dan niet op aansluit. Hier wordt vastgesteld dat vooral de afstemming tussen het preventief-bestuurlijk luik enerzijds en het repressief-gerechtelijk luik anderzijds structurele gebreken vertoont, die niet langer kunnen worden teruggebracht tot individuele tekorten, maar eerder toe te schrijven zijn aan de breuklijnen die het land verdelen en in grote mate een goede afstemming tussen beide soorten van aanpak in de weg staan. Het gaat om constructiefouten die dringend om remediëring vragen. Show less
