This article provides a reflection on the jihadist threat, the policies and actors that deal with this threat and the impact of jihadism and counterterrorism in Western Europe in the past twenty... Show moreThis article provides a reflection on the jihadist threat, the policies and actors that deal with this threat and the impact of jihadism and counterterrorism in Western Europe in the past twenty years. It describes how the threat, counterterrorism policies and their impact have developed over time and demonstrates how threat perceptions in society and the political arena have not always been aligned with the actual threat. There have been periods of disbalance between the threat and responses to it, leading to both overreactions and inflated threat descriptions and fear levels, as well as periods with limited attention that might have contributed to unpleasant surprises at a later stage. Against this backdrop, the article criticises the incident-driven approach to counterterrorism and warns against both overreactions as well as ‘jihadism fatigue’. Show less
Oratie uitgesproken door Prof.dr. Sanneke Kuipers bij de aanvaarding van het ambt van hoogleraar Crisis Governance aan de Universiteit van Leiden op vrijdag 21 april 2023
In recent years, there has been an unprecedented increase in interest in the study of radicalisation. To comprehend this phenomenon, numerous political science and sociological perspectives are... Show moreIn recent years, there has been an unprecedented increase in interest in the study of radicalisation. To comprehend this phenomenon, numerous political science and sociological perspectives are emphasised to determine social movement conceptualisations. Using British Muslim youth as a case study, the goal of this article is to explore the themes of identity, resistance, racialisation, and mobilisation as antecedents to Islamist radicalisation. In other words, the few young Muslims who have turned to radicalism have done so due to fractures in their gendered sense of status and belonging at the local, national, and international levels. In this article, I conduct a theoretical and conceptual review of five distinct stages of Islamist radicalisation in the context of the United Kingdom, all of which are influenced by local, national, and international concerns. This discussion supports the argument that these waves of radicalism result from identity fragmentation in local communities and worsen as a result of international events. In the British context, the dangers of radicalism are determined by the intersections of local, global, and international events, or at the micro, meso, and macro levels, and these indicate the greatest risks linked to this phenomenon. Show less
How armed forces adapt to operational challenges has been a salient subject in War Studies in recent years. However, the process of institutionalization of such lessons post-conflict has received... Show moreHow armed forces adapt to operational challenges has been a salient subject in War Studies in recent years. However, the process of institutionalization of such lessons post-conflict has received less attention. This study seeks to examine military learning processes during missions and beyond. By synthesizing organizational learning theories with the literature on military innovation, it argues that there are distinct but related forms of learning during and after operations that are subject to peculiar dynamics. Specifically, this research analyzes Dutch and British learning processes during operations in southern Afghanistan and their enduring impact on the respective military organizations. The Dutch and British experiences and institutionalization efforts are reconstructed based on archival records, policy documents, official evaluations and over one-hundred interviews with service members, civil servants and scholars with direct involvement in the Uruzgan and Helmand campaigns during the most volatile years in the Afghanistan war and their aftermath. Show less
Focusing on how to explain the problems in creating a sustainable common security and defence mechanism for the EU, this research explores a causal mechanism based on the institutional gridlock,... Show moreFocusing on how to explain the problems in creating a sustainable common security and defence mechanism for the EU, this research explores a causal mechanism based on the institutional gridlock, member states’ preferences, and the characteristics of the EU strategic culture, and their reflections in the context of two specific policy issues (2011 Libya crisis and 2014 Ukraine conflict). It observes that three factors play an equally and simultaneously important role. Nevertheless, its empirical findings (e.g., the absence of an operational headquarters, military capacities, the issue of applying to EU institutions, local ownership, and political will) suggest considering other related factors in explaining the problem. For example, the main problem in institutional gridlock is the coordination problem of EU institutions. So, studies should focus on that, and the EU institutions integrated actions with member states. In addition, although case studies provide strong evidence, the member states' preferences should be analysed multi-dimensionally. Indeed, the research findings do not conclude that national preferences replace CSDP decisions or that CSDP actors affect member states through socialisation. Therefore, ongoing studies should focus on alternative explanations for socialisation. Finally, the research details the characteristics of EU strategic culture, stating that it should be studied from a holistic perspective, perhaps independently. Doing so makes an essential contribution to the EU strategic culture debates. Overall, this research produces more accurate explanations about the functioning of defence and security policies and the reasons for forming specific results in the EU and contributes to the existing literature by presenting alternative suggestions. Show less
Inaugural lecture given by Prof. dr. Dennis Broeders On the acceptance of his position as professor of Global Security and Technology at Leiden University on Friday March 31, 2023
In 2009-2010, the notion of a more ‘assertive’ China emerged in Western discourse, a viewpoint that China vehemently rejects. Nevertheless, especially after Xi Jinping rose to power in 2012, it is... Show moreIn 2009-2010, the notion of a more ‘assertive’ China emerged in Western discourse, a viewpoint that China vehemently rejects. Nevertheless, especially after Xi Jinping rose to power in 2012, it is clear that China has abandoned its long-held foreign policy doctrine of ‘keeping a low profile.’ This Doctoral Dissertation explains this shift by examining the intervening ideas about China’s desired place in the world. CCP propaganda offers compelling evidence that there is much greater continuity between the Hu and Xi eras than is exhibited in the current literature. Moreover, the Dissertation traces the deeper ideational sources of Chinese assertiveness back to the New Left movement and the Patriotic Education Campaign of the 1990s. Agency for the turn in the late 2000s and the selection of compromise candidate Xi is attributed to the choices past leaders made, with some Party elders ‘ruling from behind the curtain.’ Show less
The inaugural lecture by Prof. Dr. Tahir Abbas by acceptance of the position of Professor Radicalisation Studies at the Universiteit Leiden on Monday 6 February 2023
Het proefschrift is feitelijk een bestuurskundig vervolg op het bestuurshistorische boek ‘Betwist bestuur – Wijkraden en deelgemeenten in Rotterdam’ (2017) van dezelfde auteur. In het proefschrift... Show moreHet proefschrift is feitelijk een bestuurskundig vervolg op het bestuurshistorische boek ‘Betwist bestuur – Wijkraden en deelgemeenten in Rotterdam’ (2017) van dezelfde auteur. In het proefschrift is een uitvoerige samenvatting van dit boek opgenomen.In beide geschriften wordt vooral het bestuurlijk besluitvormingsproces inzake binnengemeentelijke territoriale decentralisatie van bestuur in Rotterdam beschreven, zoals vormgegeven door de Rotterdamse gemeenteraad en het college van burgemeester en wethouders. Meer concreet gaat het om de politiek-bestuurlijke besluitvorming op ‘de Coolsingel’ betreffende de instelling van wijkraden en deelgemeenten in Rotterdam tussen 1947 en 2014. In dat laatste jaar werden de deelgemeenten in Rotterdam en Amsterdam door een wijziging van de Gemeentewet opgeheven.In het proefschrift wordt de empirie, zoals beschreven in het boek ‘Betwist bestuur’ uit 2017, aan een bestuurskundige heranalyse onderworpen. Dit geschiedt aan de hand van drie bestuurskundige modellen om complexe besluitvormingsprocessen te reconstrueren: het fasenmodel, het stromenmodel en het rondenmodel. Door de bestuurskundige heranalyse komt met name de proceskant van het bestuurlijke besluitvormingsproces over decentraal bestuur in Rotterdam scherper in beeld. Succes- en faalfactoren om het primaire beleidsdoel – het beter betrekken van de Rotterdammers bij het bestuur van de gemeente en van delen daarvan – te bereiken, kunnen beter worden herkend. Show less
This study is a critical discourse analysis of the misogynistic narratives shared by three incel violent extremists: Elliot Rodger, Alek Minassian, and Scott Beierle. Utilizing Kate Manne’s give... Show moreThis study is a critical discourse analysis of the misogynistic narratives shared by three incel violent extremists: Elliot Rodger, Alek Minassian, and Scott Beierle. Utilizing Kate Manne’s give/take model, which suggests a wider cultural pattern of misogyny serving to uphold patriarchy, this study finds that incel men expect women to provide feminine-coded services while men are entitled to assume masculine-coded privileges. Feminine-coded services that “she” is expected to provide to “him” are emotional, social, and reproductive. As incels assume masculine-coded privileges related to authority, power, and status, “she will give” and “he will take”; otherwise, “she will be punished.” Show less
Anti-government extremism is frequently characterised by its violent potential such as harassment and violence against politicians, government officials, experts and journalists. Although... Show moreAnti-government extremism is frequently characterised by its violent potential such as harassment and violence against politicians, government officials, experts and journalists. Although understandablefrom the perspective of radicalisation and terrorism scholars, another tendency within the fluid anti-government movements is sometimes overlooked: 'internal migration' in which parallel enclaves are created in order to escape the perceived repressive order of the system. It signals attempts to build ‘free zones’ within society on the base of a discourse denying the legitimacy of the political order. In this article the author will assess whether or not exodus as a distinctive, usually nonviolent form of anti-government politics should be understood as relatively harmless or as the forerunners of more confrontational practices, such as deliberately undermining the liberal order by fuelling anti-system sentiments or preparing for resistance in a later stage, that in the long term could have security implications. This article will propose an initial, tentative analytical model to answer these questions, and then the Dutch political party Forum for Democracy will be used as a case to demonstrate the argument and explore the strengths and limitations of the proposed model. Show less
Homicide statistics are often used as an indicator for violent crime more generally. In this work, we evaluate the empirical support for this convention in a Western European context,... Show moreHomicide statistics are often used as an indicator for violent crime more generally. In this work, we evaluate the empirical support for this convention in a Western European context, specifically the Netherlands. Using data from Statistics Netherlands (CBS) and from the Dutch Homicide Monitor, we compare homicide rates to rates of other violent crimes between 2010 and 2020. Results show that homicide and violent crimes are related in a general sense, but it is difficult to say what those relationships look like concretely. In other words, there is an empirical relationship between homicide and the overarching concept of violent crime, but relationships between homicide and individual violent crimes varied considerably. Based on these findings, we advise that researchers tread carefully when using homicide as an indicator of violent crime. Show less
This article will explore themany different realisms of John le Carré’s work, from the legacyof Nineteenth Century literary realism to the distinct tradition of“spy realism” that defined itself... Show moreThis article will explore themany different realisms of John le Carré’s work, from the legacyof Nineteenth Century literary realism to the distinct tradition of“spy realism” that defined itself against the “spy romance”format epitomized by James Bond. Finally, this article will arguethat le Carré’s works challenged dominant historiographies of theCold War. In doing so, le Carré’s fictions pose questions tohistorians about the ways in which we understand and conceptualizethe so-called “real world of espionage”, and wider political,diplomatic, social and cultural currents it is intertwined with. Show less
