The boundaries of municipalities in the Netherlands can only be altered by act of parliament. The article describes the decision-making process which resulted in the Bijlmermeerpolder being... Show moreThe boundaries of municipalities in the Netherlands can only be altered by act of parliament. The article describes the decision-making process which resulted in the Bijlmermeerpolder being provisionally added to the municipality of Amsterdam. Up till then, this polder had constituted part of a municipality near Amsterdam and was planned as a new residential area for about a 100,000 people. The problem was, should this project be realized as the responsibility of the Amsterdam city-government or as that of the authorities of a new municipality to be founded in die Bijlmermeerpolder. The city-government held the opinion that only the first solution could render satisfactory results and therefore campaigned for annexation. It was argued that only Amsterdam was technically and administratively equipped for this task. 1 he Minister of the Interior took the second view; he considered it in favour of local democracy to found a new and relatively small municipality. . The local authorities and pressure groups in Amsterdam and some directly interested municipalities tried to influence parliament and the parliamentary parties during the years of discussion on the repeatedly modified bill. The authors regard the administrative arrangement of an expending metropolitan area as a political problem, since the entire area is the scene of the economic, social and cultural life of the residents, whereas they are politically relevant in only part of it, namely the municipality they happen to live in. This problem was hardly touched upon in the discussion on the Bijlmermeerpolder. The dimension in the largest parliamentary group has contributed to the focusing of attention on technical and managerial matters. The decision which was finally reached may be considered as a specimen o incremental or marginal decision-making. Show less
In april 1968 a nationwide sample was asked to rate political parties, politicians and itself on an Osgood scale running from extremely left to extremely right. The arithmetic means for the... Show moreIn april 1968 a nationwide sample was asked to rate political parties, politicians and itself on an Osgood scale running from extremely left to extremely right. The arithmetic means for the position of the parties (table 1) and of the politicians (table 2) show the familiar pattern, hut cell scores indicate that the meaning of the terms ’left’ and ’right’ is not unequivocal. In table 5 and 7 respondents’ rating of themselves and ratings of the parties they would vote for, are compared. Though absolute numbers in the subdivisions are small, there is some tentative evidence that the P.v.d.A. (Labour Party) and the A.R.P. (Anti Revolutionary Party) are seen as tending more to the left than their voters while the K.V.P. (Catholic People’s Party) and the V.V.D. (People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy) are seen as being more to the right than their voters. In May 1968 another nationwide sample was asked to define the terms left’ and ’right’. Thirty-six percent did not give an answer; the obtained answers show a variety of meanings, the term left’ being most frequently associated with ’socialist/communist’, the term ’right’ with ’Christian religion/religious parties’. Show less
In the course of a graduate seminar in political science at the University of Amsterdam, an effort was made to discover which states should be considered ’most influential’ in the General Assembly... Show moreIn the course of a graduate seminar in political science at the University of Amsterdam, an effort was made to discover which states should be considered ’most influential’ in the General Assembly of the United Nations. Certain observations in the literature on the behaviour of individual states in the UN are compared with their voting behaviour during the eighteenth General Assembly with regard to eight selected issues; the representation of China, the Korean question, the enlargement of the Security Council and ECOSOC, the question of South-West Africa, the application of the resolution on granting independence to colonial states and nations, the Rhodesian question, the position of Portuguese territories in Africa, and the issue of the Palestinian refugees. The conclusions are based on the results of eight ’key votes’ and on the results of the twenty-seven roll-call votes held on tire eight questions (including the eight ’key votes’). Among the findings reported were the following: — the African and Asian states belonged more often to the majority than either the Western or the Communist states; — the voting record of the Scandinavian countries was almost identical, but it was not shown that they were less inclined to deviate from the voting patterns of Great Britain than of those of the United States; — the voting record of African states showed more affinity with that of the Scandinavian states than with that of either Britain or the United States; — Yugoslavia’s voting record was in accordance with that of the African and Asian nations; — Japan’s voting record showed a position somewhere between that of the African and Asian nations and that of the United States; — Israel’s voting record was more in accordance with that of the African and Asian nations than with that of the United States; — Pakistan’s voting record showed a position somewhat nearer to that of the Soviet Union than that of the United States; — on issues of national self-determination the United States’ votes were more in accordance with those of Western European states than with those of African and Asian states; — the United States and Western European states abstained more often on issues of national self-determination than African and Asian states. Analysis of roll call votes can describe the position a state has taken on various issues and compare it with those taken by other states, but it cannot explain why these positions were taken. Show less
In this issue Daudt and Hoogerwerf end their discussion about Hoogerwerf’s article ’The Dutch Voters and the Party System’ (Acta Politica II [1966/1967]: 4, p. 297—330), which was criticized by... Show moreIn this issue Daudt and Hoogerwerf end their discussion about Hoogerwerf’s article ’The Dutch Voters and the Party System’ (Acta Politica II [1966/1967]: 4, p. 297—330), which was criticized by Daudt (’Election Research in the Netherlands’, Acta Politica III [October 1967]: 1 ,p. 53—74) and defended by Hoogerwerf (’The Point of Research and of some Criticism , Acta Politica III [October 1967]: 1, p. 74-78). Show less
Two out of several possible interpretations of ’unambiguity’ in Dutch multiparty politics have been chosen for operationalisation. The nine, most important political parties were ranked accordingly... Show moreTwo out of several possible interpretations of ’unambiguity’ in Dutch multiparty politics have been chosen for operationalisation. The nine, most important political parties were ranked accordingly. The first operational definition is in terms of the ’recognizability* of the party standpoints, the second considers the political colour of the parties. . One hundred and twelve respondents had to recognise the standpoints of the parties on the most important issues of the 1967 general election campaign. Two hundred and nineteen people ranked the parties from left to right. According to the first operationalisation a party is the more unambiguous the better its standpoints are recognised; according to the second a party is the more ’unambiguous’ the better the respondents agree on its location on the left-right dimension. Show less
An answer is sought to the following two questions: (1) what is the influence of the electoral system on the cooperation between political parties and (2) how do the voters get an opportunity — in... Show moreAn answer is sought to the following two questions: (1) what is the influence of the electoral system on the cooperation between political parties and (2) how do the voters get an opportunity — in case of party-cooperation — to influence cabinet formation and cabinet policy? After a brief survey of electoral systems, the following four of these are closely analyzed: proportional representation as it exists today in the Netherlands, proportional representation within several independent districts (a moderate form of proportional representation) relative majority system within triple districts, (triple district system) and the absolute majority system within single districts with the possibility of a second round (district system). The assumption is made that political parties will cooperate only if they can thus gain more seats than they would if they fought the election on their own. The author then reaches the following conclusions: (1) If proportional representation in the Netherlands is changed into some form of district system, chances will increase that the political parties will cooperate. This does not mean, however, that the influence of the voters with regard to cabinet formation and cabinet policy will increase at the same time. (2) That influence could only increase if formation and policy of the next cabinet are made into an issue at the elections. This means that a number of political parties would have to form a nation-wide combination, which would fight the elections on a clear and workable platform. Chances that the latter would happen, would diminish, if a form of district system were introduced in the Netherlands. Show less
The author criticises the view which considers electoral systems only in terms of the possibilities they offer to the voters to express opinions and have these represented in Parliament. Elections... Show moreThe author criticises the view which considers electoral systems only in terms of the possibilities they offer to the voters to express opinions and have these represented in Parliament. Elections should be considered as part of a political decision-making process. This involves exerting influence on as well as commitment to decisions. Insofar as elections do not produce decisions, the voters not only have to leave these to others but also remain uncommitted. Various functions of elections are discussed and an analysis is made of the social and political conditions which determined the comparatively satisfactory way in which PR functioned in The Netherlands between the two World Wars, as well as of the changes in these conditions which are now increasingly giving rise to problems and to dissatisfaction with the political system. Given the fact that the following of political parties in Holland is traditionally determined by adherence to a religious denomination and/or a political ideology rather than by differences regarding practical issues, the patty-leaders cannot, but at the risk of losing electoral support, commit themselves either on such issues or to a government coalition before elections. Owing to the tact that denominational and ideological differences have become less and less politically relevant and group-cohesion based on those differences has rapidly diminished since the last War, the party-leadership is now forced to act even more reticently. The predicament is met by (1) the formation of middle-of-the-road governments; (2) the fragmentation of long term political issues into short term problems or a predominantly technical nature; (3) transferring the decision on policies to advisory committees to the government, bodies of experts, organized interest groups, etc.; (4) frequently overthrowing governments. As a result, political responsibility is getting more and more diffusely scattered, and political issues are increasingly vaguely defined and covered up by ideological formulas which are decreasingly meaningful to the electorate. The voters thus have fewer and fewer possibilities to vote and exert influence on as well as to commit themselves to decisions which affect their conditions of life. The latter, in turn, enhances the difficulties of the parties indicated above. A plea is made for a reform of the political system maintaining PR within limits set by the need for electoral majority decisions, and putting a heavy premium on the formation of government coalitions before elections. It is proposed to create the possibility that parties or combinations of parties present governmental candidates at elections. The candidates of the party, or the combination of parties, acquiring an absolute majority of the votes cast will be elected or Government. In case no absolute majority is obtained in the first round, a second round must be held in which only the two parties or combinations of parties with the largest relative majorities compete. The victor of this second round has its governmental candidates elected and acquires a number of seats in Parliament proportional to the number of votes that have been cast on it in that round. The remaining seats are divided between the other parties according to the results of the first round. Show less
In A Systems Analysis of Political Life (ISIew York etc. 1965) David Easton proposed a theoretical framework applicable to the analysis of all political systems. The expedience of his approach can... Show moreIn A Systems Analysis of Political Life (ISIew York etc. 1965) David Easton proposed a theoretical framework applicable to the analysis of all political systems. The expedience of his approach can only be tested after further elaboration of this framework and the application to empirical data. i In an attempt to give operational meaning to the concepts and variables suggested by Easton, various difficulties are encountered; some of them caused by shortcomings of the analytical framework itself, others resulting from the lack of empirical data which could be used in the operationalization of the Eastonian variables. This led to a number of critical remarks on various aspects of A Systems Analysts, followed by a report on a first tentative application of the analytical framework in an analysis of the political system of the Netherlands. It is shown that the framework has not yet developed into a logical and coherent theory. Nevertheless, it enables us to look at political systems in their entirety and in their interactions with the environment. Moreover, it seems possible to improve the framework in a number of ways. At present it is still impossible to make a satisfactory systems analysis of the political system of the Netherlands. However, a number of promising avenues for further research are suggested. By way of improvisation, existing time-series were used to trace recent trends in the development of demands, support and stresses. This suggests the existence of the interrelationships postulated by Easton. It is to be expected that further work on both the ’Eastonian framework’ and empirical research along the lines suggested by this framework will increase our theoretical insight as well as our factual knowledge of political reality in the Netherlands. Show less
The process of re-orientation in Dutch politics is most strongly manifest in the Catholic People’s Party (K.V.P.). A comparison between the pattern of tensions in the five major Dutch parties shows... Show moreThe process of re-orientation in Dutch politics is most strongly manifest in the Catholic People’s Party (K.V.P.). A comparison between the pattern of tensions in the five major Dutch parties shows that the Catholic People’s Party — and the other confessional parties A.R.P. and C.H.U. as well — have a high percentage of tension-indications in the field of socio-economic polity (35% compared with 21% for the five parties together). Conversely the K.V.P. displays a low percentage of tension-indications in the field of cultural policy (7% compared with 19% for the five parties together). It can be stated with a high degree of probability that the confessional parties have cultural policy as their basic sphere. On that point there is a high degree of harmony in the various parties, but on others there is more disagreement and therefore more tension-indications. Similarly, it may be assumed that the socialists (P.v.d.A.) and the liberals (V.V.D.) display few tension-indications in their basic sphere of socio-economic policy and more in the field of international and cultural policy. In a confessional party such as the K.V.P. two integrating factors exist — the religious principles and the political program — which may conflict with one another. In recent years the integrating factor of religious principles has decreased in importance in the Catholic People’s Party; some groups within the patty seek to eliminate it entirely. As far as socio-economic policy is concerned, the coordination between left and right has always presented great problems. In February 1968 part of the left wing (the Radicals) left the party. A significant proportion (58%) of the opponents on the right manifests a distinct relation with the class of employers, while no less than 44% of the opponents on the left display a distinct relation with the working class. The two major controversies in Dutch foreign policy after World War II — the decolonization of Indonesia and Western New Guinea — also gave rise to many tensions in the K.V.P, The first controversy led to a succession of part of the right wing (1947), which rejoined the K.V.P. when the issue became out of date (1955). Since 1918 it has not been possible to form a stable Dutch cabinet without the participation of the Catholic party. This party can choose its coalition partners from the right (V.V.D.) or from the left (P.v.d.A.). This problem of choice results in many conflicts between the left and right wings of the K.V.P. In the first decade after the war the Roman Catholic Church strongly supported the Catholic People’s Patty; this support, however, has now ceased. The Dutch Roman Catholics are now also more integrated in national life. All this means that the differences in political ideas within the K.V.P. are no longer compensated by a strongly integrating factor of common religious principles. Show less
