The vulnerability of chemical and process facilities toward physical security attacks depends on the equipment resistance against such attacks and on the performance of Physical Protection Systems ... Show moreThe vulnerability of chemical and process facilities toward physical security attacks depends on the equipment resistance against such attacks and on the performance of Physical Protection Systems (PPS) in place. To enhance the protection against intentional attacks, the development of quantitative vulnerability metrics is essential, nevertheless current standard approaches only offer qualitative or semi-quantitative evaluations. The aim of the present work is to develop a quantitative methodology for the assessment of chemical and process facilities vulnerability towards external acts of interference. The proposed methodology is based both on the evaluation of equipment structural integrity in response to different types of specific impact vectors characterizing intentional attacks and on the quantitative performance assessment of related PPS. In particular, specific fragility models were developed for impact vectors associated with improvised explosive devices, firearms, and incendiary weapons. The novel fragility models were implemented in a comprehensive security vulnerability assessment (SVA) based on Bayesian Networks, in which the contribution of PPS performance was also considered. A case study was defined and analyzed to exemplify the application of the proposed approach. The results obtained allowed for the identification of the most critical security-related escalation scenarios and thus for an improved quantitative SVA. Show less
Public agencies are increasingly explaining and justifying their conduct in ways that go beyond what is legally required. This rise of voluntary accountability in the public sector is noteworthy,... Show morePublic agencies are increasingly explaining and justifying their conduct in ways that go beyond what is legally required. This rise of voluntary accountability in the public sector is noteworthy, especially in light of concerns about inadequate accountability safeguards in modern governance. The objective of this dissertation is to understand the motivations behind organisational accountability-seeking behaviour. Drawing from a reputational perspective on accountability, this dissertation investigates the following research question: What are the drivers of voluntary accountability? Based on a multi-method study of EU agencies, this dissertation shows that there is no "holy grail" of one dominant set of driving motivations behind voluntary accountability, although reputational considerations do emerge as a prominent force. While different mechanisms are at play, it is possible to better understand the drivers of voluntary accountability – both conceptually and in terms of motivations – by looking at the audience to whom account is rendered: the “forum” in accountability terminology. This dissertation finds that accountability-seeking motivations are intimately inter-linked to the relationship actors seek to cultivate and cannot be elucidated in abstract thereof. Hence, even though voluntary accountability by definition originates from the account-giver, the best advice to anyone seeking to understand voluntary accountability is to look to the forum! Show less
Previous research showed that students can perform better with teachers of the same gender. It is often suggested that effects of student-teacher gender congruence on students’ performance can be... Show morePrevious research showed that students can perform better with teachers of the same gender. It is often suggested that effects of student-teacher gender congruence on students’ performance can be explained through the role of gender stereotypes. However, empirical tests of these mechanisms are rare and solely situated in the ‘females in math’ context. As a result, still little is known about where, when and how effects of student-teacher gender congruence occur. In response, the main aim of this dissertation was to receive a better understanding of the role of students’ and teachers’ gender and gender stereotypes in student performance in secondary education in The Netherlands. This dissertation shows that student and teacher gender are related to student performance and that gender stereotypes are an important part of the puzzle that explains the role of gender in secondary education. However, context matters: student and teacher gender do not always relate to student performance and when they do the magnitude and direction of the associations can vary in different contexts. Show less
Focusing on how to explain the problems in creating a sustainable common security and defence mechanism for the EU, this research explores a causal mechanism based on the institutional gridlock,... Show moreFocusing on how to explain the problems in creating a sustainable common security and defence mechanism for the EU, this research explores a causal mechanism based on the institutional gridlock, member states’ preferences, and the characteristics of the EU strategic culture, and their reflections in the context of two specific policy issues (2011 Libya crisis and 2014 Ukraine conflict). It observes that three factors play an equally and simultaneously important role. Nevertheless, its empirical findings (e.g., the absence of an operational headquarters, military capacities, the issue of applying to EU institutions, local ownership, and political will) suggest considering other related factors in explaining the problem. For example, the main problem in institutional gridlock is the coordination problem of EU institutions. So, studies should focus on that, and the EU institutions integrated actions with member states. In addition, although case studies provide strong evidence, the member states' preferences should be analysed multi-dimensionally. Indeed, the research findings do not conclude that national preferences replace CSDP decisions or that CSDP actors affect member states through socialisation. Therefore, ongoing studies should focus on alternative explanations for socialisation. Finally, the research details the characteristics of EU strategic culture, stating that it should be studied from a holistic perspective, perhaps independently. Doing so makes an essential contribution to the EU strategic culture debates. Overall, this research produces more accurate explanations about the functioning of defence and security policies and the reasons for forming specific results in the EU and contributes to the existing literature by presenting alternative suggestions. Show less
In 2009-2010, the notion of a more ‘assertive’ China emerged in Western discourse, a viewpoint that China vehemently rejects. Nevertheless, especially after Xi Jinping rose to power in 2012, it is... Show moreIn 2009-2010, the notion of a more ‘assertive’ China emerged in Western discourse, a viewpoint that China vehemently rejects. Nevertheless, especially after Xi Jinping rose to power in 2012, it is clear that China has abandoned its long-held foreign policy doctrine of ‘keeping a low profile.’ This Doctoral Dissertation explains this shift by examining the intervening ideas about China’s desired place in the world. CCP propaganda offers compelling evidence that there is much greater continuity between the Hu and Xi eras than is exhibited in the current literature. Moreover, the Dissertation traces the deeper ideational sources of Chinese assertiveness back to the New Left movement and the Patriotic Education Campaign of the 1990s. Agency for the turn in the late 2000s and the selection of compromise candidate Xi is attributed to the choices past leaders made, with some Party elders ‘ruling from behind the curtain.’ Show less
Diplomats have to find ways to engage more with home citizens, including those who feel sidelined and unrepresented, appear unreachable, who are unpredictable in their political loyalties, outright... Show moreDiplomats have to find ways to engage more with home citizens, including those who feel sidelined and unrepresented, appear unreachable, who are unpredictable in their political loyalties, outright disillusioned or defiant. In this way, diplomatic practitioners have a role to fulfil at home, in that they can contribute to democratic renewal. Show less
Malaysia’s foreign policy change toward China amid Najib Razak’s kleptocracy case raises a broader theoretical question: How is the effect of kleptocracy on foreign policy change mediated by the... Show moreMalaysia’s foreign policy change toward China amid Najib Razak’s kleptocracy case raises a broader theoretical question: How is the effect of kleptocracy on foreign policy change mediated by the political-administrative relationship? In the case of Malaysia’s foreign economic policy, despite the presence of high-caliber bureaucrats, they were unable to stop the over-inflated loans from being signed, as well as the fire-sale of Malaysia’s Edra Energy to China. Najib Razak not only managed to exclude those bureaucrats, he even included his allies to propose those loans from China, which ended up being used to bail out the 1MDB debt. This was also the case in Malaysia’s foreign defense policy changes. Despite the Navy’s plan to build the LMSs domestically, the kleptocrats purchased them from China instead. In fact, Najib even tasked his 1MDB ally Jho Low to directly negotiate the first-ever Chinese attack submarine port calls in Malaysia, and excluding the top military bureaucrats altogether. Accordingly, this research provides an insight into the dynamics of foreign policy-making in the case of kleptocracy that can be reflected on by other smaller powers around the globe, in the face of the US–China rivalry in the 21st century and beyond. Show less
